Workers Press no. 6
1969 Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →This text was read from the scan by machine and has not been corrected. Columns and stories run into one another, and words are misread. Use it to find things; for anything you quote, read the scan.
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workers press The daily organ of the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League
NUMBER SIX • SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1969
INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • PUBLISHED FROM TUESDAY TO SATURDAY PRICE 6d. Open letter to As home car sales slump the Communist
UNEMPLOYMENT
Party Polly comice By the SLL THE 'Morning Star has made no comment deci- sions of the Central Czech leaders delusion the Warsaw Paccon
AND SHORT TIME
of the spied allanceureau Czechoslovak Com- The Party. orings home British Communist could have Party leaders have not y suppo spoken a word on the August munist year bounce ot their mem- said bers or to the working class.
AHEAD
Alexander Dubcek. for-
VAUXHALL MEN
mer Party first secretary
ALL TRADES
partely nerventiod, is com intervent and crime Minister. nas
UNIONS ALLIANCE
been removed from the
MEETING
MUST BEWARE
presidium or the rarty. his Smrkowsky, 'The Workers' Press' Central Celed Schools' Standard Committee. nationa By Rex Henry Tuesday, October 7, have been Been Fary and taver T.V. in 8 p.m. A SHOWDOWN over the Triumph Town Hal threat of unemployment danger strikers proces of the use eat Australian and short-time working By Frank Cartwright stand is now on the agenda in he is restrical and
BBC
YESTERDAY
chair- man Lord Hill the polit the motor car industry. election near firm will have to find more sales Due to credit restrictions, car cuutauonalpro have slumped on the home market and AFTER six weeks on strike Grammies are to be expanded the employers are seeking opportunities WITH the General Election only three weeks away, the agalnst lay-ons. workers semina of BBC Radio Leeds standara- iriampa workshop organization pre- to weaken Australian Labour Party launched its campaign at a big Speke, near Liverpool, paratory to introducing speed-up and, in rally in Sydney on Wednesday evening.
corporate d * he are as solid as ever. the case of British-Leyland, Measured- Broad a as the licence re.
As in west Germany, a By Robert Black Day Work long period ot lory rule produced a swing to- They believe that the time has come wards the left. should stone to s supports to split the working class like they did in Labour needs a net gaunrall 1930s through sackings and short- House or Represe the 124-membe schools wole Australia last iva ume. strikers The management By our industrial reporter Theses Brindle, the Keylan es 1971e needed be British - Levland. Oxtord Large U.S. holdings boasted cause October wOr-
ARTHUR HEARSEY
that their new model, the against (above left), chiet mall farmers a Maxi, would be in produc. Pour VHF band present Radio negotiator, steps out onto the same combine. of 2,750 a in chemicals Brighton street after five He said August-September all anti-union legislatic the d for Someone else vere sakend of the men who Vauxhall management. the jo passed governess This MONSANTO, the US-based chemical giant, has the The sadl so, but in the British cioneek by largest stake of any foreign company to Labour dich is r 1,800 a emere Fort, Che chemucal mausury. imperalist and pro-monopoly Figures in the Now y this has been cut back current edition of Chemical
ATROCITIES
Monsanto's ay have upset the soiled snow lal More I.R.C. aid moatingen tota StaKe United 1968—includ-
BY SAIGON
Kingaom IOI northich as s considered ing home sales and exports for big business
REGIME
ot products made in britain -amount to £60 millions. Ts, wider has brothe ali Broke tradition shanges es it site in icero Four-point plan CIBA (£28 mil al Freedom NT 1s Coler- THE Industrial Reorganization Corporation (IRC)-the state body set up by Wilson's government to speed up Thursday detailed ence rationalization in industry-has piloted an important 10 plans ine saigon regime s alroci $170 millions into • No mplan relent. ties against treedom ngaters dea in the electronics industry 10. Unless me get roadcastan nea in sourn vietnamest Together Under the terms or an Workers' Press reporter jails. short-time working or in exports from this
REFERRED
arrangement announcec on meting part in those develop Maintain the acquire the numerical con Wednesday, nve-da. Plessev numerical control activi-
TO YORK
en broker Racal Educational Advisors e iCI figure of around r £1.4 million nary time-workers. ordi p850 millions plus the value of the assets involved. The crisis hits deeply every- mitte shop Wednesday. 1e here b00 Where in prison camps BBC is in no way /auxhall workers must be
•PAGE 4 COL. 3 →
• is torate educational ent dele ever in a Bomb tests proceed 0 difiedsen more or castibroadcasting carlangs weaknesses will be itself despite earthquake fears ing tonemployment and redur ich make reformismo take decipe aeriards dancies. Powell stak Embraces butchers looks to
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1930s W. was demandic attacks on • See page four story I would like to subscribe to Workers' Press for : wor tons and Desane. The rates are as follows: Justmen's strike: Full subscription (posted daily) 3 months £2 10s. Od. 1 year £10 0s. Od. Jones steps in Two editions (for any two days you select) 1 year 84 Os. Od. 3 months £1 Os. Od. overseas and home-based com Name ould 'explode the lie in progress vans panies. imena Laxall Address senior ит рар rushed to ve encouragem vance a nine Sir Jack Jones. gold itself. Workers' Press Post to : Circulation Organizer, soup wit to cive 19 506 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 involve ishmer
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ology for the development o- See story page four
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workers press The daily organ of the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • PUBLISHED FROM TUESDAY TO SATURDAY PRICE 6d.
NUMBER SIX
• SATURDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1969
As home car sales slump Open letter to the Communist
UNEMPLOYMENT
Party Ported one By the SLL THE 'Morning Star' this week's deci- on leaders' sions Centra Committee of the
AND SHORT TIME
ed the Warsaw Left unity led as the CP call Com- Czechoslovak Party. munist The * endangered crisis o Party leaders have not the old Augummunist parth sooken a word on the not bourgeois Stalinisn matter to their mem- bers or to the working 1y wa class.
AHEAD
Alexander
VAUXHALL MEN
Duncer lore mer
ALL TRADES
Party nist secre me and Prime Minister, has rate on deter the
UNIONS ALLIANCE
the aner his group, been remover TroM The lutionary needs
MUST BEWARE
MEETING
presidium of the Party. renue imperatism 15
• PAGE 4 COL. 6 →
'The Workers' Press' osel mIkovsky. ha leading collaborator. the expelled been trom We Communist Schools'
SOUTHALL
Standard. Committee. Central Many By Rex Henry Tuesday, October 7, others have sacked. T.V. in 8 p.m. Triumph A SHOWDOWN over the •Morning Town Hall threat of unemployment danger strikers Australian and short-time working records of the Dubcek lead By Frank Cartwright stand is now on the agenda in
YESTERDAY
DDL
Chatt. the motor car industry. Lord Hill gave polite election near firm warning That the ment will have to find more money if educational Due to credit restrictions, car sales grammes are to be expanded have slumped on the home market and AWLER SIx weeks on sunke continued WITH the General Election only three weeks away, the the employers are seeking opportunitie Standard - Triumph weaken workshop organization Australian Labour Party launched its campaign at a big pre- Liverpool, ciation, s are as solid as ever. Lord Hills rally in Sydney on Wednesday evening.
paratory to introducing speed-up and, in of British-Leyland, Measured- Pear one abation. As in West Germany, steward com Luckase A day a sh Day Work. By Robert Black comes our or the licence se long period of lory produced a swing to They believe that the time has come wards the left committee to spilt ine workin• class ike unev ald li 21 seous to ds 1930s through une sackines and snort Moore of Retre nember time strikers voted curricular pro- e buiK The management By our Industrial roporter Brindle, the Leyla British - Leyland, Oxford, Large U.S. holdings union supere ser use de ali sanctions against e sets are October will be hived of Duasieu 170C
ARTHUR
HEARSEY
moael, une chief
AEF
themselves (above Four VHF band present Radio Max!. would be in produc tions of the employers. - Party negotiator, steps out onto in chemicals tion to the tune or 4./30a Dadar and Mr Calvel, th week by August-September nd afor hours talks with Someone else 3969. other wankhal manacement capital HAfter MONSANTO. the US-based chemical giant, has the must the largest stake of any foreign company in the British also fight righ 1,800 a week " t the money chen car dusty. " so in had been rialist and pro-mos poi Rioures nuklicher in the Policies. d ack current edition of "Chemical ope
ATROCITIES
Monsanto's • per tors The Labour Party's 3230 More I.R.C. aid gement bad
BY SAIGON
Kingdom for • sales exports do notic this is a threat to th Mars widen hapute at Vaux for big business Ol producis made it Dilall entire plant a need zed
REGIME
—amount to £60 millions. stewards' committe Broke tradition • Chemical a0 mill worker deceas and for benina Esso Lam is saments indicate Four-point plan THE Industrial Reorganization Corporation (IRC)-the A MOVAMEN tor colon. his statement pinic or state body set up by Wilson's government to speed up Baker (£25 millions). follow four ipoint pr Causes' rationalization in industry-nas protea an importan the » wags agreemen: £170 millions deal in the electronics industry.
@ No compulsory redund. ancy Under the terms of Workers' Press reportel • No short-time Jans.
REFERRED
€170 millions the five-day Vo Anh Minh, adviser to the weanesaay. presser WIll
TO YORK
numerical control acuvi- acouire mne numerica. I Cant th uction in hour Rohion and ED, Kacal and ordi. Plectronics for + 4 millon £850 millions resented to had been killed. this plus the value of the assets While Jenkins talks of con Other foreign-owned firms Wedne sating in preme that any strator le Vietnamese starea mal 100,00 everre or ere creat were being cent of a
• PAGE 4 COL. 3 →
held in prison camps, on their guardrers must be ng at 25 or 30 per cen are 'their drive for profits Bomb tests proceed broadcasmore and more scale. Bravely weed orkers will t despite earthquake fears unemployment and redun stewards Powell ex• vancies. their members and to cli Severe looks to ati the peril dection
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British 1930s • See page four story I would like to subscribe to Workers' Press for : Enoch one a ake on, The rates are as follows: •areate to me to the workers and peasants. Dustmen's strike: Full subscription (posted daily) Labour's home and econo 19300. 3 months £2 10s. Od. 1 year £10 0s. Od. Expening the Jones steps in Two editions (for any two days you select) National Col 3 months £1 Os. Od. 1 year £4 Os. Od. notary yam dare not lod ent pro- would verseas and home-based com Name indicated that cause it vould explode the lies Product lines sion wings Pain amend thei dustmen, Address enco To aves in basic inat Brigator Jones. request Fear Possibility • cham proper a Wit rapidly, question Canadian vinnot be sore et Unless Post to: Circulation Organizer, workers Press oficialy unione could become sibility that the newly-formed 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 wel as politics
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tony for the development o Little or nothing was bee story are lou
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PAGE TWO
THE trial of Ginsburg, author of the 'White Book' on the Sinyavsky-Daniel trial, and Galanskov, editor of the un- authorized 'Phoenix 61' and 'Phoenix 66', elicited a series of responses. Many petitions and letters were signed protesting against this iniquitous trial which attempted to establish an unnatural relationship between the opposition communists and the NTS (a White emigré organization) fascists.
wife of the praised literary critic, Professor Guerline, Aikhenwald, who has written in particular in 'Novy Mir', was among 170 people who signed a petition which said, among other things, that: 'We affirm our complete agreement with the authors of the letter'.
It denounced the illegalities of the trial: "This tendentious Tribunal has handed down an equally tendentious verdict.
It finished with the following demand: 'We appeal for a Ginsburg, Dobrovolsky and Lachkova re-trial of Galanskov, in a public court corresponding to our legal norms and in public opinion chosen the presence of representatives among the signatories of this letter. We demand that from sanctions be brought against those responsible for the organ- ization of this trial that has so discredited Soviet justice'.
But a teacher, under Stalinism, is not primarily a source of culture and education, he must also be the vigilant instru- propaganda as constricting as it is ment of a network of crudely mythological and whose fragile equilibrium he must protect. 'Outchitelskaia Gazeta' Thus the official on organ 1953 defined the task of a teacher in the December 16, following terms: "All school teaching must be impregnated with the spirit of the Party and conform rigorously to its principles.'
of 'principles' that prompted a corres- It is this position Gazeta' on February 18, 1953 to pondent of 'Outchitelskaia reproach a teacher for confining himself to abstractions when the theme, "Soviet • Tribunals and Their Tasks' he took up had not 'considered bringing up the physician- because he assassins who sold themselves to the imperialists for dollars and pounds'. for this teacher as soon as Stalin died, some Luckily weeks later, these same physicians were rehabilitated.
So the Party cell at the school where Guerline teaches coming from doubt-to decided—on order above no an relieve the Soviet educational system of this perverse teacher, that are who fought for the implementation of guarantees given to Soviet citizens by the constitution and the laws.
The cell that decided to dismiss her then called together the union section of the school, that is all the teachers (the The union "collective'), since trade unionism is obligatory. meeting decided by a vast majority to dismiss Guerline.
One of the assistants at the meeting made a transcript of the account proceedings and this was circulated by 'Samizdat I', 'The voice of the communist opposition in the
USSR'.
It should be added that Guerline appealed against the Tribunal. Among the numerous teachers dis- decision to a missed for having protested against this arbitrary and illegal action, she was one of the few to be reinstated.
The publicity given to her case by the circulation of this break the united front of the document and the desire to rebels no doubt had an effect on the Tribunal's decision.
In this brief introduction all the allusions in the text cannot be clarified. The most insidious is that of the 'keys'. It probably signifies that Guerline's husband, Aikhenwald, was visited by people who signed one of the protests and he eventually gave them the keys to his This is denounced vigorously as flat. the 'union' meeting. suspicious by some of those present at Stalinist 'vigilance', which were given Espionage and full scope in the Moscow Trials, are always cultivated by the state machine as one of the means of resisting the slow but deep upward movement of the masses.
union hesitates The President: This sable. Whoever or decide the doubts cannot be an ideologi- meeting must on cal guide, cannot be an educa- dismissal of V. M. Guerline, literature professor the tor, cannot work in our school.
in Guerline: I have already lived classes, who, by her upper judged political and ideological posi- through this. was without a hearing in 1949, if it deserves tion, no longer our can be called a judgement, for confidence. the sole reason that I was the A. V. Novojilova: In January daughter of a man executed in there was a trial of four young 1947. people. Their activity was being anti-Soviet. They Today also genuinely degrees, judged, or rather I have been were guilty in varying and irrefutable proof judged again without a but attested hearing, since the Party meet- to their guilt. the local ing and A duplicating machine, dol- have already made their de. cision without even taking the lars, Russian money and anti- trouble to listen to me. Soviet literature were found at their homes. The accused, Ginsburg, aside from his anti- The decision that will be made here is already known: Soviet activity, was publishing the collective foreign articles. All were in- must confirm and verdict already reached anti-Soviets and re-. veterate you have only met for that.
ceived a well-deserved punish- ment. The conduct of the com- munists of this school is cow- The trial was not completely public but what does that mat- They ardly and unworthy. like ter when it dealing with have acted a special was of the NKVD (Soviet such misdeeds? They session obvious police) couldn't be allowed to make secret where judge- anti-Soviet statements in the ments are made in the absence the Soviets. Our of the accused. presence of people must not be subjected But I must speak of what to such lies. I've done, of the reasons and of myself. Perhaps there other were reasons why the trial was not I was orphaned at the age It public. not for us to of My father, com- know everything. We must munist, was executed, and my place our confidence in our mother condemned to eight security services and not doubt years in prison for her them. nections with an 'enemy of the people'. She only survived her After the trial, Litvinov and rehabilitation for a short while.
Bogoraz (Daniel's wife) gave When I was arrested I was slanderous letter foreien press full of anti-Soviet 19. My whole school stigma- demands- -liberation of prison- tized me along with other with the help of the West teachers of Marxism, enemies, and a condemnation of Soviet today rehabilitated justice. When I returned to Moscow after my. rehabilitation, A series of unstable intellec- many people were ashamed to look this tuals who gave in to me in the face. These people associated them- provocation had quite simply believed that selves with the repugnant let- • had all satis- I was guilty; they Their signatures are joined ter. fied the needs of the organiza- to the bottom of the Litvinov- tions that were above them in Bogoraz letter: the hierarchy. group of ideologically This Before making wild accusa- unstable defence people. took up the criminals. This let- tions against people again, those who witnessed and ter was signed by our colleague, 1937-1947 vived the years She defended Guerline. has should remember the anti-Soviet activists at the meetings demanding the execu- same time as teaching litera- tion of Tukhachevsky and ture. Yakir; they should remember Such duplicity is inadmis- the unconscious way in which thousands who had done noth- ing 'unmasked'; they were should remember the creative zealousness which led us to discover anti-Soviet organiza- tions in kindergartens. I know what a violation of the law is. I know how import- ant it is for the honour of our state that the law be observed because it is just that spirit of the law that is expressed here.
For us history is not writ- ten in our manuals or in the pages of our lifeless books but in our flesh; we must all feel responsible before ourselves history and for history. We cannot be indifferent to violations of the law; we must sound the alarm each time we are not sure that the law of Soviet state is being the scrupulously observed because on the state level legality and legality alone is the measure of justice. I don't understand those who lack civic fibre, those not interested in justice inasmuch as the honour of our country is tied to it. Just and noble ideas require just methods in order to be realized. Civic concern, which is not only my right but my duty, is what pushed me to act as I have, that is, to sign a letter whose central theme was the legality of the trial.
Now let's come to this let- ter. I did not sign the appeal of Litvinov and Bogoraz and I would have refused. I ad- dressed myself only the to state organs and Soviet judi- ciary. I don't believe I would be able to go over their heads to world opinion. In accusing me of anti- Soviet activity, you have, why I don't know, only cited the Litvinov-Bogoraz letter when I signed another letter. This letter was sent, and I empha- size this again, to the Su- preme Court, to comrades Brezhnev, Kosygin and . Pod- gorny and to the lawyers of the accused. There was no question of appealing to the foreign press. The demands in this letter clearly differ from those of Litvinov and Bogoraz. I am not speaking of the liberation of the accused but only a second trial 'keeping the pro- ceedings entirely, public and observing the juridical norms, and of the punishment of those who are guilty of violating the law (this is the concern of the Moscow Tri- bunal). The letter did not raise the question of the guilt of the accused and I am deliber- ately staying away from that question. I am not capable of considering it because I can- not do a judge's job. But, again, honest and strict respect for the law must all of good concern men faith. A criminal, a murderer, a rapist, under a just govern- ment and strong Soviet rea- son, must be judged according to the law in all its severity without the least in- and fringement. A voice in the room: And according to you should anti- Soviets be judged by law?
Guerline: Anti-Soviets too and even war criminals. The same voice: But they are enemies. How can enemies be defended? They harm us and you are going to observe the law! That's unacceptable! Do they deal nicely with us?
Aren't Guerline : you ashamed? Your words are un- worthy not only for a teacher but for anyone with any pardon sense. Not to our enemies is precisely to judge them by law, and only by law.
Our laws are strong and severe enough to punish who- ever breaks them, without re- course to injustice. And if we don't observe the law in our country, how will we distin- guish ourselves from our ene- mies? we same Nojinko): cannot should elementary you?
WORKERS' PRESS
their decision, do not want to hear anything, do not want to understand anything. With a determination worthy of better use they repeat the same phrase: 'We completely associate ourselves with the authors of this letter'. (This sentence has been most effec- tively extracted from the let- ter I signed.) But what does to 'associate completely' mean to Litvinov and Bogoraz? Reading this letter I understood it, and continue to understand it in a very specific way: we as- sociate ourselves with the public well-being, with the civic disquiet revealed in the Litvinov-Bogoraz letter. The addresses of my letter the demands expressed and in it are in opposition to those of the Litvinov-Bogoraz letter. If the contents of these two letters had been the same, a second text with other de- Available from NEW PARK London, S. W.4 mands would have made no sense and it would have been enough to limit ourselves to the phrase, 'We associate our- selves completely. I agree that this phrase could have two interpreta- tions. If I had drafted this letter or had a chance to cor- rect it, I would not have al- lowed such ambiguity in its formulation. This phrase should not have been written or should have been: 'we share Litvinov and Bogoraz's concern over the violations of Soviet law perpe- trated in the last political trial'. I am emphasising this so that the comrades who return to this question will keep my clarification in mind and con- sider the 'criminal' phrase in the sense and with the interp- retation I have given it.
Comrades, I'm not afraid of what's going to happen to me; I've known worse. At this moment I'm not thinking GUERLINE: I have c judged without a hea a judgement, for t daughter of c Daniel (left) and Sinyavsky the two prominent intellectuals who protested in th thousands of miles from their homes.
many people losi only of myself, I'm thinking of you. Through your mistake I don't want to return to 1949. called after This meeting, my dismissal had been de- cided, justifies the uneasiness that drove me to sign this letter. Think about it: is the main point a careless, or even false phrase, which is contra- dicted by the content of the letter, or is it the purity and sacred character of the law without which we would have no state? Now some words about the school. There is a ques- tion to be considered in this investigation which precedes the decision reached today.
That's why I bring it up, having foreseen the questions.
I have never been a hypo- crite with the children. I have never lied to them. I have taught them, to the best EW PARK PUBLICATIONS, 186a C of my ability, what I consider to be the truth. I have never talked to them about the let- or about the problems ter raised here; they are still too young to understand. I have taught them litera- this literature always ture, based on strong moral princi- ples, on honour, on human- I have striven to teach the children to think, since that is what learning means, to think honestly and to be rational. Who can seriously say that my teaching has had a bad influence on the child- Questions put to Guerline Eidline (history professor) : What is the real relationship Bogoraz and Sin- I have already lived throug It a hearing in 1949, if it nt, for the sole reason that iter of a man executed in Soviet intellectuals whose trial brought • protested in the Soviet Union were similarly treat eir homes. This also had repercussions through all s any people losing their jobs for unexplained reaso : Guerline: She is Daniel's wife. Nojinka: How did you know what happened at the trial?
Guerline: From people who happened to be near the court where the trial was be- ing held. The trial had been declared public but only a very select public was allowed to enter.
Also from Ginsburg's mother and from the defence lawyer's speeches. Nojinka: Why did you be- lieve them and not us? Guerline: Because I don't want to believe, but to know.
Everything that I've been told has strengthened this desire and increased my anxiety.
Novojilova: Why don't you want to recognise that the NS, 186a Clapham High Street, Price 12s. 6d. have Soviet government can reasons it's best not to give for not letting everyone into the courtroom? Would it have been better to hold it at Louj- niki? [A stadium with 15,000 seats in the suburbs of Mos- coW]. Guerline: But the law says in advance what kind of trial should be held behind closed doors. And since 1956, all of us should understand the ter- rible danger of saying: that history is beyond me. Has nothing to teach you, his- torian? As for Loujniki, that wasn't necessary, it's cold there in the winter. The Penkovsky trial was shown on television: no one doubted the legality of that trial. [Colonel Pen- kovsky was an American spy.
His trial was public and tele- vised as was the trial of the alleged English agent of the NTS, Gerald Brooke, recently released by the Soviet authori- ties.] Eidine: According to you, d through this. I was 9, if it can be called son that I was the uted in 1947. • trial brought world-wide protest. Those treated-sent to prison camps s through all spheres of Soviet life, with explained reaso is. are the accused guilty of anti- Sovietism? America'? of ernment
BBC.
mitted it. always 'we', say is this ing? Guerline: I say 'we' in the following sense. We citizens, and I include you, must be sensitive to what's happening in our country. I signed the letter in my own name, I will answer for it personally.
Andreyev: Who gave you this letter to sign ? Guerline: I think that is an immoral question. I will ex- plain why. If I am dismissed from my job for having signed it when I didn't ask anyone else to sign, whoever gave it to me would be exposed to harsher I even repressions. don't want to make their lot any worse. Someone: Do you know every- one who signed the letter?
Guerline: No. I hardly know 10, more or less well. The same: Can you answer for the morality of the signatories?
Guerline: I can only answer for myself. A voice: Which signatories do you know? Guerline: Is that a question or curiosity? The same voice: I don't be- lieve you only know 10. Guerline: You're right. I prob- ably know more among those who signed other letters con- cerning this trial-Veniamine Kaverine for example or Paoustovsky. [Two well-known Soviet writers. and revered Paoustovsky died in 1968] Nojinka: But why are you in- terested in these delinquents and their fate? Guerline: Try to understand, it's justice that interests me.
Nojinka (in a loud voice) : Criminals and justice ! Guerline: At this level I can't explain anything. Think a little you're about what saying. Your words would be a bonus for the enemy. The President: Who wants to speak? Saveley (professor of industrial design, assistant pedogogical director): Guerline has Just spoken of humanism, of res- October 4, 1969 pect for man. I understand how she feels. I know Yourovskaia's family. She was also arrested but would she sign? She's been in camps too and for more than five years. Guerline only had five years of exile. But I understand how she feels.
But what I don't understand is the relationship between all this and the students. What is really happening? Previously no one at the school read Andrei Biely, Sacha, Tchorny, Akhmatova or Goumilev, no one talked about them. And now? Students in classes other than hers are asking who these poets are.
From whom have they heard about them? From the mem- bers of the literary club. No one talked about these poets before, no one knew their poetry, and now they are read and reproduced on the type- writer. And on the school typewriter too! Why doesn't anyone read what's in the library? Where does this pernicious infatuation come from? An incident in the middle of a discussion attracted my attention to this. A 10th year student asked why don't we consider Goumilev's death heroic? The other students reprimanded the young fool and I joined in. But there was another mem- ber of the club who was not admitted to the Komsomol be- cause of self-conceit. This again is because of the club.
The editorial staff has wor- ried me too. Three members of the club are on the committee.
The newspaper had articles on school life before, and now there is only the literature question. • The newspaper for the 50th anniversary of the October Revolution only had an edi- torial; the rest was poetry.
Mayakovski is all right, but then Blok, Essenine ! The editorial committee pre- tended that no one could do any better. Then the 10th year students set to and did better.
Instead of splitting poetic hairs they showed the life of the school. Lena Efremova put out a good paper in the eighth year and then in the ninth, because of the club, started to do bad work. Nothing was put in about the plenum of the party committee in Moscow. She asked why anything should be written about it since every- one read the newspapers. There is nothing The namer n one Gorky in ninth year they say, we haven't studied him yet, let the 10th deal with him. And 7B? For three years it has been called Zoia Kodmode- mianskaia and there is still no work on her subject. [She was a young member of the Kom- volunteered in somol who taken October, 1941, was prisoner in November and hanged by the Nazis.] Another thing. A student in the eighth year, which Guerline doesn't teach, said: 'What a good teacher Guerline is and she's going to be dismissed!'
The feelings you arouse, Guerline, are very suspicious.
Ossipov (mathematics profes-
Scan page 4
October 4, 1969 sor): What adult manages the newspaper? What connection does Guerline have with it?
Savelev: No one manages the paper. We have confidence in the children. Guerline has nothing to do with the paper, but three mem- bers of the editorial committee belong to the literary club and the others obey them. Bougrova (physics professor) : The little girl in the eighth year said that about Guerline a long time ago. When she said that there wasn't any question f dismissal. She often speak n a strange and incomprehen New questions put to Guerline • voice: Who signed first. voi r vour husband Guerline: Me. A voice: Doesn't it seem to ycu that Bogoraz is biased ?
Guerline: How does that con- cern me? Nojinka: And if this trial had been according to all the rules what would you have said?
Guerline: I would have said justice triumphed. Nojinka: What is lacking then? Eidline: Guerline, if you are moved by humanitarian feel- ings, why haven't you signed anything for Spock? [An American doctor arrested after a demonstration against the war in Vietnam in 1968.] Guerline: I would have if I wasn't more interested in the problems of our country. A voice: Why were you aroused for a political cause?
You didn't intervene for com- mon, human rights. Guerline: Yes, but neither was I dismissed from my work for that. Ingerov (the director): None of the people we know, no one at the school signed! No one!
Andreyev: What are Kristi and Klenitskaia to you ? Guerline: Friends. Andreyev: Do you know Orlovski ? Guerline: Like you. I've only heard him speak many times.
I met him once but not in the period you're interested in.
Andreyev: When you leave your house do you leave your keys with strangers? How many keys have you got? Guerline: We have many. We live like that. We leave them with friends when its neces- sary, never with strangers.
Andreyev: She signed Litvinov and Bogoraz's letter. Their letter complements this one.
(He reads the end of Litvinov's letter.) Aren't there any honest people in the Soviet Union?
To listen to you, one would think that you're more honest than anyone else. Haven't we got our newspapers, our in- You haven't ad- stitutions? dressed yourself to them. Therefore the Soviet laws you speak of are trampled under- foot by you. You haven't said who sent you this letter. You only say what it is advantageous for you to say. (A voice: You speak of an advantage!) You are lying when you say you didn't sign first. Your signature is one of the first.
(Guerline: They're in alpha- betical order.) And you're making a mis- take about Soviet law. If you received an appeal it should have been sent to those who deal with the law. (Guerline: I sent it to the Soviet government.) for- And yet you have warded democracy, you have signed Litvinov's letters!
You say that you haven't lent your keys and your hus- band says that he has. I keep my keys in my pocket. What do you do with yours? You are lying, you looking after your in- own terests. You have raised your- self Soviet against the authorities. We have chosen judges in whom we have con- fidence and you clamour for their punishment. The letter, from beginning to end, was written by an anti-Soviet hand. And even among Party - members, there people who aren't completely honest.
Who spoke to you about the decision of the party meeting?
Guerline: I figured out that state secret myself. It was first a Party meeting, and then the local teacher's committee, who decided upon my dismis- sal. It's clear that the local committee didn't make this decision alone. Andreyev: Once again, you don't want to name your con- federates. Who spoke to you about this meeting? Guerline: I've already ex- plained. Andreyev : Someone who signed this letter can't teach in our school. Ossipova: We know and un- derstand all the duties and responsibilities of a • teacher. We know Guerline. She's a good teacher. We must all think carefully and not take these accusations lightly. I cannot believe Guerline's ex- planation, but I cannot not take them into consideration.
We must also consider the trend that has inspired her action. In effect, she is ex- periencing the problem of legality and she has the right Let's even admit that she was wrong not to attach the requisite importance to the first sentence of the letter. But should we impose san- tions for one mistake? I'd like to make an analogy.
in Lenin, an intervention against chauvinism and great and nationalism in power general, said that we must pardon the nationalism of op- pressed nations but not that of ruling nations. If Guerline was wrong we can understand her. We must understand her, not penalize her. Guerline didn't sign Lit- and Bogoraz's vinoy letter, she signed a letter addressed institutions to the of the Soviet State. We mustn't lose sight of that. We must think hard before deciding. L. P. Semerova (retired vice principal attached to party work): The actual situation is very complex. The hand of the enemy is at work in Poland, in Czechoslovakia. The ideo- logical struggle has very much intensified. Guerline says she is con- cerned with the defence of the laws and humanity. She is not concerned about knowing when and in what conditions the trial took place. How can a Soviet citizen speak like that? This could not happen without the hand of the enemy. We want people to speak up when things aren't work- ing correctly but why sign Why collect signa- letters? Why let the entire tures? world know? These letters cover our state, our laws with filth. In her statements Guerline clearly shows that she thinks she alone understands; don't the others understand any- thing? You often said false things when I still worked here. And in the fifth year in your for a whole semester class, work there was no new done. ... You did not start any. This is disgraceful.
Man can only satisfy his needs when he gives all his strength to society. If a teacher isn't convinced that his state is right, he can- not be an educator. No one had the right to spread the filth in these letters. And what is there to say about the past? It's already there's been judged, no reason to return to it. Ogorodnikov (physical educa- teacher): Anna Leoni- tion dovna has just spoken about chauvinism. Isn't she ashamed? Where does nation- come in? (Ossipova: alism You misunderstood me!) Perhaps, but it doesn't matter.
Anna Leonidovna is wrong.
Guerline is trying here to dissociate herself from Litvi- nov's letter. That won't do!
You can't object to one and sign the other. And in addi- tion she wants to justify her- self. There are only two kinds of propaganda and what is use- ful for them is harmful for us.
Her political weakness does not permit Guerline to be a teacher. I mistrust her politi- cally. N. E. Smirnova (literature professor): I've heard too many things here which it is impossible not to answer.
Firstly, why have almost all the comrades who've spoken talked of the Litvinov-Bogo- raz letter? eloquently Guerline has proved here that she takes a different position from Litvi- nov and Bogoraz, that the letter she signed was ad- dressed to representatives of the Soviet power, that her action was dictated by truly civic motives. She committed a responsi- ble act not for glory, not tor personal advantage, but be- cause it arose out of her civic convictions. If she was wrong in not attaching enough importance to that first sentence which everyone has made so much of, she has explained herself in a sufficiently convincing way. Another thing, the club has been talked about here. Guer- line is a good teacher whose courses are well liked. This year the club is very interest- ing. She didn't start with Goumilev but with the litera- ture of the 1880s. She has dealt with a com- lex literary process. I. S. Bougrova helped at all the club meetings and only had good things to say about them. I'm sorry I wasn't at those meetings but I had accounts of them from I. S.
Bougrova. I know Guerline's students personally and have read of their lessons-as many Guerline has read those of my students--and I am sure that she has not nor could she have taught them anything bad, neither in her class (her teaching was inspected and always approved) nor in her club. The club was conceived of as an enlargement of our pro- gramme, not as a copy of it.
There therefore no was question of Gorky but of let •say Blok and Brioussov uS without whom the literary process cannot be understood.
Gorky and Mayakovski are studied at the beginning of the 10th year and Guerline was trying to widen the child- ren's horizon. She has worked very hard, meanwhile directing the jour- nal radio for a has year, helped in organizing all the evening, get togethers, and prepared two of them herself.
A voice: But now do you see what she's done? Smirnova: I've already said that. Based on one single sentence, and knowing more- meaning over Guerline gives it, one could not mis- trust her politically, neither as a teacher nor as an in- dividual. Vassileva (teacher of the primary classes): Comrades, speaking as a communist I tell you frankly that must Guerline has signed docu- ment whose anti-Soviet mean- ing is indisputable. The comrades here who've Grandaon of a former Soviet foreign minist writer, who is herself now exiled in a can spoken of Litvinov and letter Bogoraz's right. are There is no essential difference between the letters. She cannot refuse responsibility for the amalgam. It isn't surprising that a letter with such a bedfellow received no answers. Without the bed- fellow there would have been an answer. No one would an- swer such anti-Soviet letters.
We should not talk about careless formulations but, if responsible people, we are about its anti-Soviet content.
Why was this letter signed by 220 people? Is that the expression of a personal offence? And you've tried to explain that you bear no ill will towards us! You're not considering any- thing; the international situa- tion is so difficult now that we must always think about it.
For us the main point is the ideological firmness of the teacher. Comrades, I would not entrust the education of children to Guerline.
WORKERS' PRESS
Eidline (history professor): I understand Guerline. Her life hasn't been easy. But is she the only one to have gone through all that ? More precisely, just yester- day, by this overwhelmed hideous story, I told it to my father. And I learned unex- pectedly that my father had suffered from the cult of the individual in 1952. I never knew about it. I wasn't living with him, we didn't see each other. He was a victim of it, but he speaks indignantly of those who say such things about our country in dirty letters sent to our enemies. My father gave me a solid ideological educa- tion. In spite of all that I will speak up when it concerns a political whatever it error, costs me. Already at the Party meeting on March 25 I spoke up. It's become difficult for me to work in the ninth year classses. The students are just waiting for me to make a mistake. I say to them, 'The decadent a reactionary movement trend'. Then they ask, "Then the decadent poets are re- actionaries?'. I answer, 'Yes, except for Brioussov and Blok who recognized their errors'.
And then again: And Tsvetaieva, was she a reaction- ary poet?'. 'Yes, of course.' 'But Guerline didn't tell us that. It's very difficult to learn.' And the discussions! One student stands up and says, 'If someone sacrifices himself for an idea that he considers right, no matter what it is, it is heroic'. That was on the sub- ject of Goumiley. Who talked about Goumilev to them ? Since when have we included Annenkov [probably with confused Annensky], Goumiley and Biely in our Russian poetry course? A parallel can be made with 'The Ancestors'. ['The An- cestors' is a piece by Mickie- wicz, a 19th century Polish it foreign minister, Pavel Litvinov, with Larissa Dami exiled in a camp. Guerline was accused by the teac their protest over the Daniel-Sinyavsky trial.
writer and dramatist. He is considered to be the greatest Polish writer and the pro- scribing of his work in War- saw at the beginning of 1968 sparked off resistance among intellectuals and students.] No one has the right to in- clude these decadents. What have these minor poets given to the ideological tempering of our generation ? Guerline's position is false and corrupt. She has just ex- plained it. But Guerline, we haven't only got the year 1937!
There is also Soviet power.
That answers for 1937. She's already been judged.
In the collective there is a group that put themselves above the others. We have our organization and this group of professors is always opposed to the others, making a show • of their erudition. No Guerline. You lack char- acter; moral laxity, lack of discipline. These are two fcaes of the same coin. The role of educator cannot be entrusted to you. I swear that but for this letter, if anyone had sat in judgement on you, I would have been against it. But you cannot teach. Don't be angry with me, I have no confidence in you. V. I. Nagornaia (physical edu- cation teacher): We have made a mistake. In the local com- mittee we made a decision without giving Guerline a hear- ing. She is right, it should not have been done. We're not judging an act, but an in- dividual. When an individual addresses us, we mustn't only look at the dossier, we must listen to her. 1 knew nothing about this letter. I have no opinion. I've just heard Guerline and I can- not doubt her or not believe her. Think, why exactly has this trial raised such indignation, why have violations of the law been spoken of? No one has answered that question for me.
Why couldn't this have been public? It all would have been clear then ... but now ...
The club has been dis- cussed. It's been going for less than a year. That's too short a time to transform children.
The club couldn't have de- formed the children. There are things other than literature.
There's physical education.
As a physical education teacher I say we've also par- ticipated in their education and I should be dismissed too, we should all be dismissed.
Epchtein (geography profes- sor): I've worked 30 years and this is the first time I've heard such talk. The school is an ideological establishment of the state and such discussion takes place ! If you'd declared war, Guer- line, you would respect Soviet power. Why has the cult of the in- dividual come into this? You claim that the cult of the in- dividual existed here but the ith Larissa Daniel, wife of the imprisoned ised by the teachers' court of having signed conversation mustn't be diverted. The first and second letters are the same whether you like it or not. It's the action, not the motivation that interests uS. If you dared sign such a letter, Poland isn't far away.
It's a direct analogy. They are links in the same chain. For whom is this necessary?
We must be totally con- vinced and not hesitate. Other- wise what kind of teachers are we? How will we dare delve into political questions in our classes without a perfectly firm, absolutely pure concep- tion of the world? Such teachers have no place in this school. Nojinka: I am not convinced that Guerline wanted to defend justice. This justice is not con- vincing. Ossipova and Nagor- naia spoke of it and they didn't convince me. I am not con- vinced! The others convinced me but not you. I don't believe in your 'legality'. Translated from a pamphlet published by French Trotskyists The main point Guerline, is the personal offence you've committed. People don't inter- est Guerline, but they must interest you. Your signature is in defence of people you don't know. How can criminals be de- fended? And how is that justice ? Justice judges criminals and you defend them. Why haven't you consulted your friends, Guerline? If they are your friends, why haven't you consulted them ? Either you're protecting them or else they're not your friends. Is what I'm saying true ? There's something strange here. Otherwise what are these friends defending? And if Guerline is defending justice, why didn't she bring this question up for discussion in the union meeting? Why is she afraid to tell us the real names of the people who gave her the letter? How can any- one defend her? And our administration was wrong too. 'She's only looked after her lectures, it doesn't matter who gives these lec- tures'. Her erudition has even been praised. ( Why is erudition necessary? In a lecture the teacher has the role of ideo- logical guide; don't bother us with logic, it's not a your question of that. In Guerline's class, 7B, things aren't going well. It's slack, undisciplined. Every- thing's been going well in my classes. When they were in the fifth year, when they'd just come of primary school, they out laughed when they saw a girl who wasn't as well dressed as they. Their mood didn't please me at all. Now that's over but it's an undisciplined class.
We can see Guerline clearly now; she's a good teacher but there's a lot to reproach her for. I'm entirely of the opinion that her conduct is incom- patible with being a teacher.
Whoever vacillates to the right can't teach on the left. Mazo (a young biologist): 1 must go, but I'm going to say something. Two years ago war criminals were tried. My per- sonal opinion, I'm establishing a parallel. A voice: What does that mean? It's incomprehensible.
Mazo: I said, I'm establishing a parallel. (He goes out.)
Bougrova (doctor): I spoke to Guerline about the local com- mittee decision. It's not a secret. And I gave some poetry to the pedagogic council, to the professors. And the children took them. my favourite They were poems. And I was involved with the club. Mantsour (literature professor and friend of Guerline's) : Guerline said that those who condemned her in 1949 were too ashamed to look her in the face afterwards. So that I will not be ashamed, I will speak.
I'm not supporting Guerline, I didn't divulge the secret of the Party meeting. I have said what I think and I will not be ashamed to look Guerline in the face. Pakhomov (doctor, president of the local committee): Bougrova had no right to dis- close the secret decision of the local committee. Ingerov (director of the school): Comrades, none of you here have any doubt who's defending Guerline. That de- serves some thought. Their intervetion is not a chance thing, and it is not by chance that we forsaw this.
These comrades would have done better to look after themselves. Where does such a position lead them ? The collective will not want to work with those who have defended her. Guerline's action is unspeak- able. The first and second letters are the same! You will not get out of it and you will not deceive anyone. Without seeming to, Guerline has insulted us all. Why does she say it was all decided in advance? What Guerline and her defenders have said is derisory and vain. Their radios
PAGE THREE
[BBC and 'Voice of America'] will harm no one. They only defile themselves. It's not by chance that her class and her club are un- disciplined. No, it's not by chance. Man is not made by a succession of chances. No one who thinks correctly defended Guerline. What Nagornaia said is unworthy, as has been her conduct through- out the meeting (several times she's interrupted the speakers indignantly). What a lack of principles! As for Guerline's sincerity, that's not even worth mention- ing! What a hypocrite. She is in the same bunch as Gabai. Who is going to believe that Guerline didn't know that her lies would be taken up by 'Voice of America'? Why did she broadcast the letter (Guer- line: You're lying— I didn't broadcast it.) and not come to the party organization? Now let's pose the essential question: what are you going to do now, comrade defenders, and with whom? We won't allow you to have it both ways. You have no right to introduce doubt into 16-year- old heads. An unprincipled group has formed which is try- ing to influence our serious comrades. Can we be sure that with Guerline's departure a Soviet atmosphere will be re-estab- lished? With no equivocation we have got the measure of these comrades. They had bet- ter think before voting. We are giving a political meaning to this business. It's necessary to get rid of Guerline right away; she should never have been admitted to the school. The education of children can't be entrusted to a politi cally doubtful individual!
Batyguina (vice-principal): It's been said here that Guerline only made one error. One error can characterize the political level of a teacher. Yes she gave good lectures, she was learned, but we must go farther. What traces of new work are there in 7B? It's all formal, nothing comes from the heart. And this is only the lectures! The class is called Zoia Kosmodemianskaia and it's done no work on her subject.
At the end of 45 minutes of the class what is there? The letter. And she's insolent too. She refuses to be available or else 'someone made an unjustified remark' about something she said or she refuses on principle to speak at the meetings. She refused to make copies of the reports, she says there are enough of them; that is her true face. My son was in her class. As a mother, as a teacher, as an administrator. . • . I don't think she can be a teacher.
Her teaching won't produce men the country needs. the meeting President of (teacher in primary school): You don't yet have this civic spirit and honesty you speak about. On many points you are apolitical. The comparisons with the cult of the individual are absolutely apolitical.
People with clear consciences and real civic concern feel pertectly secure. Why don't I feel in danger? I have a clear conscience. Let's vote un the following proposal: to demand that the Ministry of Culture dismiss V. M. Guer|:ne according to article 48 of the work code (by demand of the union organization). Results of the vote — of 42 present, 5 against and 2 ab- stentions. [The Ministry of was given different Culture figures--2 or 3 against and 1 abstention.] Guerline: 1 am ashamed. I am so ashamed that I can't raise my eyes. I am ashamed, ashamed for you, comrades.
Because you con't know how to listen or understand, be- cause you don't know how to think, because many among you have revealed yourselves to be even more dishonest than I thought you were. April 16, 1968.
Scan page 5
Octobor 4, 1969
WORKERS' PRESS
PAGE FOUR
WEST GERMANY
Cadeby is ruthless World Bank report
HUMANILI
in dealing vith social and
COALITION
political forms which have usefulness', their miners пуси -a fraud says d or cocalcu to tne annual meeungs or
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Main colliery, South Yorkshire, remains solid at talism-now an the
POLICIES
actionion-
DISASTER
the end of its third week. The Cadeby strikers deal in case Even "deservehi have been joined by miners at Maltby, Barn- vide a solution e prob Minister Only the overthrow co cap Thryburgh Hall (Kilnhurst) and borough, Arguing that the world is Cortonwood. By a foreign correspondent for Pearson and hi
VIETNAM
DUSTMEN'S
GOVERNMENT coalition talks have reached Al Issue is une quesuon oficial of market men's wages. an advanced stage, it was reported in Bonn on War is such a Irotesolution is Cadeby Thursday. Ine men against the StrikIng munist Party under a nev Negotiations nave wnich Skilled mel policy foreign without regular 10bs nasty business moved ment would broad sent Jower-paid 10D questions,
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SALES DROP
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• FROM PAGE ONE
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CAR UNEMPLOYMENT
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•FROM PAGE ONE
The exclusion was Sunday, October 19 member modern car fac- Student. Whilst the oiicia s of the called uities Education • g Coranie s beinst by the sacke leat ers. ooking No peonie part-time The NUT leaders conceded societ Gollan and the 'Morr replied that W British-Leyland have. re- nisw party members dockers, nationalize as inde. hould be 100b Claphan 5.01 Seer, Londo the bung girls from the firm struggle lies ahead. Cowley Oxford plant. This, it joined and loyally