Workers Press no. 729

workers press N Vietnamese offensive rolls on SOUTH Vietnamese troops fle North Vietnamese poured ov puppet state. Tanks and heavy artillery took part in the attack, which was preceded by a day- long bombardment of the chain of bases south of the demilitarized zone. Outnumbered two to one, the South Vietnamese fled in disorder of the border from many fortresses. Challenge Yesterday morning they were reported to have fallen back on the second line of defences, abandoning at least ten bases.

Roads were reported choked with refugees fleeing towards the and provincial capital of Hue South Vietnamese hampering efforts to bring in reinforce- ments. Many of the troops supposedly defending Qung Tri, the next major town on the North Viet- namese line of march, had already evacuated the town yesterday and taken the road for Hue.

Their retreat was described by *fairly Saigon source as one orderly in some places and com- pletely disorderly in others'.

American aircraft were unable to cover the retreat because the entire area is obscured by low cloud. In addition to the attack across the northern border, Saigon re- ported increased military activity in the tri-border region where the frontiers of Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam meet. They fear the North Vietnam- ese may try and cut off the pup- pet state's northern provinces by a drive to the sea across the vulnerable central provinces.

The attack is a direct challenge President Nixon's much- to vaunted 'Vietnamization' policy building up the puppet army under an umbrella of US air sup- port. Coming just month over a after Nixon's visit to China it is also aimed at ensuring the Maoist bureaucracy does not sell out the Vietnamese revolution by underhand deal with an Nixon.

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • MONDAY APRIL 3, 1972

DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOC

oops fled in confusion yesterday as 40,000 ired over the border into the American

BY JOHN SPENCER

completely It cuts across the leaders' Chinese treacherous efforts to do a deal with Nixon under the slogan of 'peaceful co- existence with imperialism'.

days, the intransi- In recent Vietnamese of the has gence Peking to step up its forced rhetorical war of words with the US over Vietnam. The long struggle of the Viet- workers and peasants is namese colonial of the the high point revolution, which now fuses with the international crisis of im- perialism and the movement to the left of the oppressed people throughout the world.

S VIETNAM'S ARMY IS

of the dollar The imperatives and the mounting crisis bativity of the working class at home have forced Nixon to with- draw most of his forces from Vietnam. They became thoroughly demoralized and mutinous when faced with the revolutionary of the Indo-Chinese struggle workers and peasants. The Vietnamization pro- gramme, substituting equally dis- affected South Vietnamese for US troops, is a sign of weakness, not a position of strength.

On Saturday, the North as Vietnamese into the attack, the puppet Saigon defence

BY ALEX MITCHELL

General Nguyen Van minister, MORE than 1,500 delegates, Vy, asked Tran prime minister permission Thien Khiem for to and trade unionists suppor- take a holiday while the govern- are expected at the ters ment investigated corruption of annual conference the him. charges again Young Socialists at Scar- borough next weekend, April Rotten 8 and 9. All the Right-to-Work General Vy is the head of the received marchers have Fund, made up Military Savings special invitation to take small monthly from soldierspa wagets the part in the conference, stopped from wages. most important in the history Under him, it has grown into a Young of the Socialists. worth highly lucrative business There will be packed and million pounds- -to the several with 157 lively agenda resolu- profit of Vy and his great tions. associates. Predominating the discussion South Vietnamese capitalism is will be the fight against the rotten-ripe for overthrow. With- build- American mili- Tory government and the out the massive of the revolutionary party in technology and air ing tary support, Britain this the Saigon government is power- The Mitcham YS motion says: less to withstand the military im- the powerful blows 'We, the Young Socialists, plications sav North. that from the we construct a party 3, 1972 • No. 729 • 4p

HE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

ARMY IS ON THE RUN AGAIN

which, through its principles, can lead the working class in a fight against the Tories and which will the working class to carry power.' Other resolutions cover the Common Market, Ulster, Viet- nam, rising prices, the attacks on the NHS and the social services, racialism, the Industrial Rela- tions Act, Bangla Desh, Angela Davis and George Jackson, Black Power and the police. World crisis The main resolution sets the background to the conference the world crisis of capitalism.

The resolution's opening para- Nixon's graph reads: 'President decision on August 15, 1971 re- moving the US government's pledge to exchange gold for dollars, and ending existing ex- change rates, was a declaration of trade war. It was followed on December 15, 1971, by a devaluation of the dollar. Both these events marked the end of an era for world capitalism.' The main resolution stresses the fight for Marxism: "To build the Young Socialists into a mass revolutionary youth movement is to lay the foundations of the greatest transformation of society in human history. This task is impossible without the cor- of responding development consciousness to the highest level yet achieved-in the Marxist method of dialectical materialism and its application to a scientific study of society. "The Young Socialists must be the arena for introducing the basic principles of Marxism to young workers. This theory is further developed only in the revolutionary party which is the Socialist Labour League.'

workers press N Vietnamese offensive rolls on SOUTH Vietnamese troops fle North Vietnamese poured ov puppet state. Tanks and heavy artillery took part in the attack, which was preceded by a day- long bombardment of the chain of bases south of demilitarized zone. Outnumbered two to one, the South Vietnamese fled in disorder many of the border from fortresses. Challenge Yesterday morning they were reported to have fallen back on second line of defences, the abandoning at least ten bases.

Roads were reported choked with refugees fleeing towards the provincial capital of Hue and hampering South Vietnamese efforts to bring in reinforce- ments. Many of the troops supposedly defending Qung Tri, the next major town on the North Viet- namese line of march, had already evacuated the town yesterday and taken the road for Hue.

Their retreat was described by 'fairly Saigon source one as orderly in some places and com- pletely disorderly in others'.

American aircraft were unable to cover the retreat because the entire is obscured by low area cloud. In addition to the attack across the northern border, Saigon re- ported increased military activity in the tri-border region where the frontiers of Laos, Cambodia _and Vietnam meet. They fear the North Vietnam- ese may try and cut off the pup- pet state's northern provinces by a drive to the sea across the vulnerable central provinces.

The attack is a direct challenge to President Nixon's much- vaunted 'Vietnamization' policy building up the puppet army under an umbrella of US air sup- port. month after Nixon is visit to China it is Coming over a aimed at ensuring • the also Maoist bureaucracy does not sell out the Vietnamese revolution by an underhand deal with Nixon.

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • MONDAY APRIL 3, 1972

DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOC

oops fled in confusion yesterday as 40,000 ired over the border into the American

BY JOHN SPENCER

the It completely cuts across Chinese leaders' treacherous to do a deal with Nixon efforts under the slogan of 'peaceful co- existence with imperialism'.

days, the intransi- In recent of the Vietnamese has gence forced Peking to step up its rhetorical war of words with the US over Vietnam. The long struggle of the Viet- workers and peasants is vanese the colonial the high point of revolution, which now fuses with the international crisis of im- perialism and the movement to the left of the oppressed people throughout the world.

S. VIETNAM'S ARMY IS

of the dollar The imperatives and the crisis mounting com- bativity of the working at home have forced Nixon to with- draw most of his forces from Vietnam. They became thoroughly demoralized and mutinous faced with the revolutionary Indo-Chinese struggle of the workers and peasants. Vietnamization The pro- gramme, substituting equally dis- affected South Vietnamese for US troops, is a sign of weakness, not a position of strength.

On Saturday, as the North the Vietnamese into swung attack, the puppet Saigon defence

BY ALEX MITCHELL

General Nguyen Van minister, MORE than 1,500 delegates, asked Tran Vy, prime minister Thien Khiem for permission to trade unionists and suppor- take a holiday while the govern- the ters are expected at investigated corruption ment conference of the annual charges again him. Young Socialists at Scar- borough next weekend, April Rotten 8 and 9. All the Right-to-Work General Vy is the head of the received marchers have Military Savings Fund, made up take special invitation to from small monthly soldierspayments the part the conference, stopped from wages. most important in the history Under him, it has grown into of the Young Socialists. worth highly lucrative business There will be packed and the several million o pound a -to lively agenda with 157 resolu- profit and his great tions associates. the discussion South Vietnamese capitalism is Predominating will fight the rotten-ripe for overthrow. With- be the against Tory government and the build- the American mili- out massive ing of the revolutionary party in technology and air support, Tary the Saigon government is power- Britain this year. The Mitcham YS motion says: less to withstand the military im- Young Socialists, 'We. the plications of the powerful blows the North. that we must construct a party from • 4p • 3, 1972 • No. 729

HE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

ARMY IS ON THE RUN AGAIN

which, through its principles, can lead the working class in a fight against the Tories and which will working carry class to power. Other resolutions the cover Ulster, Common Market, Viet- nam, rising prices, the attacks on the NHS and the social services, racialism, the Industrial Rela- tions Act, Bangla Desh, Angela Davis and George Jackson, Black Power and the police. World crisis The main resolution sets the background to the conference- the world crisis of capitalism.

The resolution's opening para- graph reads: 'President Nixon's August 15, 1971 re- decision on moving the US government's pledge to exchange gold for dollars, and ending existing ex- irty change rates, was a declaration of trade war. 'It was followed on December 15, 1971, by a devaluation of the dollar. Both these events marked for world the end of an era capitalism.' The main resolution stresses the fight for Marxism: "To build the Young Socialists into a mass revolutionary youth movement is to lay the foundations of the greatest transformation of society in human history. This task 1s impossible without the col- responding development of consciousness to the highest level Marxist yet achieved-in the method of dialectical materialism and its application to a scientific sm. I study of society. "The Young Socialists must be arena for introducing the the basic principles of Marxism to workers. This theory is young developed only in the further revolutionary party which is the Socialist Labour League'

PAGE 2 Workers Press, Monday April 3, 1

IND THE

WORLD

MINERS' union president W convicted in Washington at charges arising from union federal election campaigns be Two other officials, secre- tary-treasurer John Owens and John Kametz, head of the mineworkers' political section, were acquitted. Boyle (67), who has headed the 190,000 strong United Mine Workers union since 1963, faces a maximum of 32 years in prison and fines of $120,000 up to (£45,400). The verdict followed a two- in the first prosecu- week trial official for tion of a union making illegal campaign contribu- tions in federal elections.

The government alleged that $49,250 (£18,825) in

UMW

money was passed to the Demo- cratic and Republican parties in defiance of a federal law pro- hibiting direct union contribu- tions to political campaigns.

the It said largest sum $30,000 (£11,530), went to a Hubert Humphrey' 'Salute to dinner during the 1968 presi- dential campaign. Boyle was convicted of con- spiracy, consenting to ll speci- fic illegal campaign contributions and another charge of converting $5,000 (E1,920) in union funds to the use of others. drawn from The money was the union's political arm, Lab- our's League, of Non-Partisan which Kametz was the head.

Boyle's conviction is the most serious blow to the UMW since he was elected its president in 1963. It is under legal attack 'not only from the government but also from Boyle's opponents with- in the 80-year-old union.

The Labour Department is • seeking to have his re-election in 1969 ruled invalid on the grounds that it was won by fraudutent tactics. In 1969 Boyle defeated Joseph Yablonski, who three weeks later was found murdered along with his wife and daughter in their beds at their Clarksville, Penn- sylvania, home. Yablonski had accused "Boyle 'of irregularities' in the election.

later said But the government there was no evidence linking the murders with the union elec- tion. This attack against the UMW is • by far the most serious and, in its political implications, the most far-reaching decision handed down by a US federal court. Ostensibly aimed at 'corrup- tion' and 'fraud', the uphold federal law prohibiting decision— Sadat PRESIDENT Sadat of Egypt said that there was no prospect peaceful settlement with of a Egypt in a speech to troops at an air base. 'Our decision to go final and irrevocable to war is will not discuss it any -we more, they were told. He called King Hussein's plan for a federal kingdom to include Israeli-occupied territory 'an American move to liquidate the Palestinian question'. would require the The plan agreement of Israel and the next step would be bargaining for the annexation of occupied areas in Sinai or Sharm El-Shekh. Sadat said that Egypt would an inch of the not give up it cared on tone rights of uld nor would people like King Palestinian. Hussein who is trying to • sell them out. He denounced US arms deliverios to Israet..

y April 3, 1972 dent W. A. 'Tony' Boyle was gton at the weekend on 13 union fund contributions to igns between 1966 and 1969.

BY MICHAEL BANDA

unions from contributing directly to political campaigns. This law, now enforced for the hrst time, is aimed directly at the demand for a Labour Party in the States United based the On trade unions and breaking from the two capitalist parties.

If Boyle or. any other union leader had contributed financially to the formation of such a party instead of Humphrey's gastrono- mic needs, there is little doubt that federal government would have proceeded against him. Unlike the prosecution and jailing of Jimmy Hoffa, the Teamsters' Union this leader, decision is taken against a back- growing political dis- ground of in labour's ranks, cussion reflected in the walkout of George Meany and other union chiefs from the Pay Board and wave of opposition/ to a tidal Nixon's home and foreign poli- cies. US workers becoming are increasingly sceptical of the whole two-party set-up and the subordination of the unions to the wage-freeze policies of Demo- crats and Republicans alike.

It is in order to contain this growing political restlessness that.

has the federal government decided to move sharply against the UMW leadership. CRISIS 'in BanglaDesh point on reached i new Friday when police opened fire on striking hotel workers in the capital, Dacca, wound- ing at least seven. All hotels. restaurants and other eating places in Dacca re- mained closed following a strike call to demand the reopening of a city hotel which was converted into a hospital nine months ago.

Workers shot when were in front of the demonstrating Intercontinental Hotel demanding the men inside join them.

As famine stares the country in relief the face. food and materials sent from India • are mysteriously spirited away.

The leader Maulana peasant Bhashani has attacked the cor- ruption of the government, accusing the men around the opportunistic Sheikh of being send fixers. When efforts to Bhashani abroad 'medical for treatment' failed he was accused of being in the pay of both the CIA and China. Since Mujib returned to Dacca it has been very much a case of jobs for the boys. His princi- pal secretary, sacked • by Yahya corruption, has just Khan for been appointed head of an anti- corruption council. There is now a big movement of workers and peasants against government. Workers the de- manding nine months' back pay were told they would only get one month and a wage freeze.

The mood of the peasantry was summed up by the editor of one of the newspapers critical of the government's performance.

"The fight (for independence) has made all the difference' he said. 'Now people not only have higher expectations, they have arms too. And when the govern- ment fails to satisfy them,. the arans will come out again.

THE Ulster Vanguard move- ment, headed by right-winger William Craig, has agreed 'in principle' to introduce rent and rate strikes through- out N Ireland towards the end of this week. They are to be in protest against introduction of direct rule. Sub-committees have already set up to deal with such been strikes, the boycott of Republican goods and currency and the pos- sible withdrawal of the services of local councillors. Regret A Vanguard fighting fund was in a launched on Good Friday full-page advertisement in a local Belfast newspaper. advertisement referred The to the Vanguard rally at Stor- mont earlier last week: 'It should be clearly under- stood that it was without the consent of the organizers of the rally that Mr Faulkner addressed the meeting.' It adds: 'It is regretted by us that Mr Faulkner or any mem- ber of his government has not responded, to Vanguard's call.'

This means that practically the entire community in N Ireland will now be taking part in rent and rate strikes. At the Anti-Internment League demonstration through London, just over a week ago Miss Ber- nadette Devlin MP, stated that no rent or rates should be paid by Republican sympathizers until every internee is released.

CRAIG

TECHNICIANS in Aberdeen ha support of victimized lecturers at senior" Dr David Craif lecturer at English department Lancaster. has now been sus- pended from duty pending a May meeting of the University Coun cil. when a motion proposing his dismissal will be discussed.

• has been charged with Craig 'disruption', • including violations university charter and of the statutes and breach of contract.

he had Allegations that incited boycott of lectures have also been made. The Aberdeen branch of the Association of Scientific, Tech- nical and Managerial Staffs con- gratulates Lancaster University staff and students 'on the action Mersey ship works to close HARLAND and Wolff announced at the weekend it is to cease operations at its Liverpool works on May 31. Premises and plant in Liver- pool were being taken over by Mounstuart Dry Docks Bristol Channel Ship Repairers who were proposing to. operate a ship repair service. 'They have agreed to interview all our present employees in Liverpool-about 450—with a their being considered view to for employment: the company said: RAILWAY workers' leaders meet on Wednesday amid of speculation. in the Tory a storm press about whether, if they decide to strike, they will be the first of a 60-day cooling-off period or a secret victims ballot under the terms of the Industrial Relations Act.

But the fundamental question is not which parts of the Act might or might not be applied, so much as what will happen if a strike goes ahead in open defiance of the law. Last week, on March 29, president of the National Industrial Relations Court Sir John Donaldson slapped a £5,000 fine on the Transport and General Workers' Union for contempt of court-and implicitly of the law.

He told the court anyone could try and change the law but warned 'any overstepping of change by law- ful and proper constitutional means must and would be regarded as a serious defiance of the law'. Almost.

to a man, observers in the Sunday capitalist press pointed out that the Trades Union Congress' policy of no co-operation with the Act-that is, the law of the land—was a course of resistance unprecedented in British history. It is this policy which lay behind last week's deci- sion of the T&GWU to ignore the court and it is this policy which may influence the decision of the railway- men's leaders when they meet on Wednesday. . As Jack Jones, T&GWU secretary, has already found out and Sir Sidney Greene of the railwaymen may soon discover, the whole concept of no co-operation with the law hits at the heart of reformism. It is a by-product of the deepest confusion about the revolutionary character of stamped indelibly the present period, as it is with the brutal uncompromising lines of class war mirrored in the policies of a Tory government.

Today, this government is more ruthless than any since the days of Stanley Baldwin.

The use of the law against the trade unions in this period is no accident. Economic recession is leaving the Tories and the employers no room to manoeuvre.

They are obliged to try to smash the organized power of the working class with the most certain and irrevo- cable weapon at their disposal—the law.

An even more dangerous and disarming strand of reformist thinking is that a Labour government could repay all the fines levied by the Tories and turn the clock back to the good old days of collective bargain- ing. It could not. Bourgeois law prevents and forbids A Labour government could change the law it. (though it is fairly certain it would not) but it could not undo what has been legally done, and remain a reformist government in the epoch of what Trotsky described as the 'death agony of capitalism'.

schoolboy knows that Britain's Every capitalist is unwritten and that therefore the constitution sovereignty of bourgeois law (above politics) upon which all the institutions and power of the bourgeoisie are based is absolutely paramount. Nothing has more quickly revealed the dangerous absurdity of reformist answers to war. questions and the burning class necessity for a sharp turn to revolutionary politics through the building of a revolutionary party than the mounting Tory recourse to law.

urge medics

THE

Labour government deen have passed a resolution in nationalize the means of towards urers at Lancaster University.

production as step abolishing poverty-this demand behalf of they have taken on will made Socialist at the English lecturers, the victimized Medical Association's 42nd and in support of the basic demo- annual conference in London on cratic right to speak freely'. May 21 and 22, 'We Its resolution continues: The resolution on nationaliza- that_ attacks this recognize on tion comes from the SMA's Lon- right are inevitable in the reac- and Home Counties branch don tionary atmosphere promotéd by and says: the Tory government to back up 'This annual conference urges its attacks on the trade union the Labour government next to movement. make the socialist nationalization urge the ASTMS execu- 'We of the means of production one tive to support the official of its major objectives to abolish policy of

ACTT

Ithe television poverty! technicians' union] that the TUC The same branch has another should do everything necessary 'calling upon the next resolution to use the strength of the trade Labour government to implement movement to force a Gen- union declared speedily its •policy eral Election at which a Labour abolishing all charges in the NHS government committed to social- and to pledge itself never to re- policies and the defence of ist impose them again'. basic democratic rights be: can returned.' Building revolutionary

ALL TRADES UNIONS

the and the fight for docks

ALLIANCE

MEETINGS

Partick Burgh Hall. to-Work march; building the revo- lutionary party. Trades Hall, Adelphi. p.m. Right-to-Work march'. SOUTH LONDON: Tuesday April Lion, 'The White ACTON: Tuesday April 4, 8 p.m.

4, •p.m. 'Scar- Mechanics Streatham High Rd, SW16. Arms, Churchfield borough YS conference'. Road. Empire Pool and build- ing the revolutionary party LIVERPOOL: Wednesday April 5, 'The Swan', London Road EAST LONDON: Tuesday April 4, 8 p.m. Aberfeldy 'Tory attack on unions; engineers' 8 p.m. Aberfeldy Pub, Street, Blackwall Tunnel. struggle'. nr.

'We should have defeated Act at birth' —Mersey dockers Labourites split on rents TWO big questions will face dockers in the port of Liverpool when they hold a mass meeting next Sunday, and behind both of these looms an even bigger one: what to do ment. Immediately the employers to slash the present plan dock labour force by just over 7 per cent nationally this year and there is the local containers row which erupted into the National Industrial Relations Court last week. On Merseyside this weekend, frequently-expressed opinion a among militants was that neither would be a threat had • their "Tories union leaders fought the correctly. It would be 'poetic justice' if the dockers now found them- selves in the front line of a struggle to destroy the Act, said Transport and General Workers' Union member Frank Hughes.

'After all, we should have done it in the first place. We could have done it. But when you think back over what hap- pened, what action did our so- called leaders lead? Two one-day strikes . . . I ask What's happening" now is Handcuffs proving wrong all those people who said we shouldn't fight the Act while it was going through; that we'd be better placed when it was in, when the handcuffs were on. 'Now it's got to be faced, however. We can't stop them up the union breaking without getting rid of the Tories.'

Docker-checker Frank, who end of works towards the North the port's seven miles of docks, is a Labour Party activist stand- ing for the city council next time round. Looking out over the ward from his council-flat home, he lists burning problems the facing workers there: mice have now reached the top floor of a nearby 20-storey block, and, of course, the rents are going up. For him the struggle on the the fight against the docks and Tory Housing Finance Bill are interlinked. He has no time for those who refuse to tell the truth working class: Labour leaders both nationally and locally, his union leaders-and even somé of the stewards on the docks.

'Containerization's a big thing', . the issue which he says of sparked the court Heaton's Transport (St Helens) Redundancy "For the stewards to spoon feed people and say these new a big re- methods won't mean dundancy problem is a lot of nonsense. After all half the docks are going to close in the near future [the South end of the port is due to shut down in August]. 'To say that voluntary re- dundancy will take care of the position is ridiculous: It ignores the effect on the national unem- ployment figures. And it's this high unemployment these haul- age firms are taking advantage of: employing people at starva- to stuff and strip tion wages containers? It was Jake Abbott, a T&GWU steward working for Smith Cog- gins Ltd, who first raised the latter issue. The unemployment threat was not so serious on Liverpool docks as in London, he told me, be- cause 400 older dockers had re- cently taken voluntary severance payments of €2,000 each. second list of those prepared to go out of the industry. was ... already.being.compiled.

MERSEYSIDE dockers face an an day wait for the final verdict of th Industrial Relations Court on th against two haulage and warehou If their action is ruled an unfair practice by the NIRC, the union most of the port's 10,000 men be face a substantial fine under the Relations Act. The court has already imposed fine on the Transport and Genera Union for contempt of an interin stop the blacking. It has until the same day as the full hearing of to show why it should not pay.

the union will have just three wo before the bailifis move in to seize assets and take the money by co At the root of this row is tl redundancy. A joint committee o road-transport and docks' ste Merseyside have been fighting for ment which would give drivers a £21-£24 weekly minimum and mak and other stewards I Jack spoke to also defended a decision of the national stewards' com- mittee-taken in Southampton just over two weeks ago-to shelye their demand for nationalization of the ports under workers' control. 'Men who are fighting re- dundancy are not going to be too interested if you start talking to them about the importance of workers' control, he said.

But Tack went on: 'Containeri- zation is building up rapidly, and if we're going to avoid problems in the future we've got to get a grip of it now. 'You've got haulage firms buy- ing up odd bits of land and spending £30,000-odd to out build sheds for stuffing •con- tainers. To get that back they have to keep their rates low.

'That's why the road-transport stewards and the docks lads had to get together to decide a com- policy: containers are mon dockers' work, drivers must all be union members on a minimum of £21-£24 a week. 'But of course this isn't what's being argued in court. The Act's

BY PHILIP WADE

MANY Labour councils, under massive pressure from tenants, have said they will not implement the Tory 'fair rents' Bill if it becomes law.

Now, as tenants themselves begin to take action against the Tories, councillors some are backtracking on their declared aims. One Labour council having second thoughts is Wandsworth in South London. The Labour group is now split on whether to defy the Bill or not. 'Democracy and law come before party politics,' Cllr. Dr Brian Prichard was reported as saying last week. He added: The • move to re- fuse to implement the Bill will get through council. The not will vote in favour of Tories will we. implementing it and so Refusing to implement it is the to govern at local way wrong level.' Another prominent member of the Labour majority backing Cllr Fred CIlr Dr Prichard is Shaw, deputy mayor: obligation to I feel a strong Wandsworth. I the citizens of have always said I shall vote to implement the Bill when it be- comes law. I shall never vote to break the law. I think the others will come round to spur way of thinking, he said. The fact thạt the Labour leadership in Wandsworth has offered no real lead in the fight Housing Finance against the Bill has led to some confusion among its 23,000 tenants.

no point in them There is having meetings about the Bill so they can tell us it will go through,' Bruce Forbes, chair- man of the housing committee of the Arndale Tenants Association in Wandsworth, said. called • The council have another meeting for April 10 to provide an opportunity for our ace an anxious ten- ing of cargo-contain dict of the National Containerization rt on their 'black' tors behind the em warehousing firms. 42,000-strong natio an unfair industrial 3,000 this year. he union to which In London, the e men belong could the present trade s nder the Industrial men into the unatt they receive only f imposed a $5,000 Labour Board. A d General Workers' employed by the s in interim order to Smith Coggins has s until April 12— the • national earing of the case Dockers in most bi not pay. After that strike from the end three weeks' grace if these men are ret n to seize its entire Into an already t ley by court order. row is the fear of docks, therefore, ti implications of the imittee of T&GWU Our industrial stewards on hting for an agree- MAUDE has been the men from the Irivers, a guaranteed and make the stuff- docks about the que in, so what happened at Glad- an unfair industrial Stone practice. The union couldn't turn up at court because of the TUC policy so it's in contempt.

'Some of these firms should be be in for Ever government won't Both the union leadership and the shop stewards came in for criticism from John McGinnes, a •T&GWU member from the South end of Liverpool docks. 'Dockers could have defeated the Industrial Relations Bill', he said. 'But the leadership wasn't there. 'Then we've had stewards tell- ing us at mass meetings that the Tory government couldn't be allowed to run its full term of office, but never lifting a finger to help the miners. If anything was an issue which could have kicked the Act in the head, that was. *f don't thin the importance of what's happening now has hit people yet. see, it's not just con- 'You tainerization on its own. If there was a trade boom that wouldn't cause redundancy. Bruce Forbes at home with his family tenants to find out how they may be affected and to have their say on this vital issue' Bruce was also critical of the Labour Party national leadership performance on the issue.

'Harold Wilson spoke for quarter of an hour on television the other week and never men- tioned rents once I don't think.

He seemed to spend most of his time making fun of Heath.

who's 'But the only person going to come off good from this Bill is the private landlord. No more new houses will be built with the money the Tories get from us. What you could finish up with is the rich living in houses like these with perhaps the councils selling off blocks of flats to pri- vate owners. 'If they double the rents it's going to push people out their homes. Talk about the homeless now, it'll get a lot Flat/house 3-bedrm hse, Daleside Rd, SW16 2-bedrm flat, Gaitskell Ct, SWII 5-bedrm flat, Henry Prince Estate 2-bedrm flat, Jean Hse, SW17 Bed-sitting-room flat, McKiernan 2-bedrm flat, Ritherdon Rd, SW1 Workers Pres o-containers dockers' work.

erization is one of the biggest fac- d the employers' drive to slash the ong national register of dockers by employers have been using it trade slump in attempts to push the unattached labour pool, where ve only £20 a week from the Dock An appeal by 20 men by the stevedoring firm 1. Wallis gins has been made a test case by stewards' committee. port 1 most big ports are committed to n the end of this week—April 7- en are returned to the pool.

already tense situation on Britain's refore, the NIRC tossed the legal ns of the Industrial Relations Act.

ndustrial correspondent

DAVID

has been in Liverpool talking to the seven miles of Mersey ut the questions facing them.

'But you can't fight either un- employment or the Act if you don't start from the crisis of capitalism.' Billy O'Hara, also from the South end, agreed. 'It's nonsense to say there's no redundancy problem here', he 'Once you get a number of said. contractors turning over the con- tainers there's a big increase in the amount of surplus labour- and it'll happen overnight.'

On the subject of the Industrial Relations Act, he stressed: It's enough to say get the not government out. 'What happens then? We know what the Labour leadership • is. We've got to know that the Act will be repealed' Known for a long period for their militancy, the Liverpool dockers stand at a cross-roads.

Most of the conditions in y which militancy alone won through now lie behind them. In front stands the Tory govern- ment, prepared to give all-out assistance to employers whose profits are at stake. All side roads lead to the dole queue. worse the way things are going.

'And most elderly people won't be able to afford to live in nice flats. They gave them 75p in the Budget but it won't be worth anything with the rent increases.

'As for the means test, many people will consider them to be charity and I'm sure won't apply for them. Anyway, you could fill in a means test when you're on plenty of overtime. 'Then it could drop back and you'd be left with that rent until the end of six months. It seems diabolical to have to fill in a form declaring vour income every six months.' Bruce already pays £6.50 a week-including rates-for his flat on a new estate built above a shopping centre. He has just had a 24p rate increase. 'Everyone is given the impres sion that council tenants don't Well, mine come to pay rates. £1.52 a week,' he said, showing Rents now Net £ Gross f 3.46 4.47 3.98 5.73 4.67 nce Estate, SW18 3.60 3.03 3.89 3.20 icKiernan Ct, SWIl 2.30 3,31. 4.28 Rd, SW17 rkers Press, Monday April 3, 1972 PAGE 3

JACK ABBOTT

JOHN MCGINNES

There are definite pointers to which path they will take how- ever. Some 24 hours after Sir John Donaldson fined the T&GWU £5,000 for contempt last Wed- nesday morning, two red lorries from Heaton's fleet stood outside the gates of Gladstone dock. One carried a load of Pilkington glass.

At 4 p.m.-as dockers began drifting home for the holiday weekend-they were still there.

Perhaps as a company spokesman suggested the port was too busy.

We shall see tomorrow. me a form he had just received asking if he would like a rate rebate. virtually have to be a You pauper to claim a rate rebate.

Under the government scheme a single man has to be earning less than £12 a week before he can apply for a rebate. For a married man it is £14.75 a week plus £2.50 for each child.

I should think there is only way to fight this Bill and one that is for the unions to back us up and for the Labour Party to fight instead of saying the Bill is going through. If you could get a situation where the country comes to a standstill you might the see Tories call another election. But you can't seem to get any real answers from the Labour Party what their housing policies on would be after the election.

'Harold Wilson. said there should be a General Election on but he the Common Market should also start talking about the rents question and he would soon get the support. 'But I can't see us refusing to increases. That the rent pay could only be successful if it was 100 per cent and had back- ing from elsewhere,' said Bruce.

'Another thing that has to be done, is to organize though, private tenants whose rents will go up 250 per cent. No one seems to be doing much about them. 'All I can say is that if this Bill goes through we will be tenants of the government, added Bruce. 'Fair' rents Net f Gross f 6.75 7.76 7.01 8.76 6.50 7.57 5.45 6.31 4.08 4.98 4.75 5:72::

PAGE 4 Monday April 3, 1972 Part 1 This interview by an Independent Labour Party member with Leon Trotsky dates from November 1935, at a time when the Stalinists had emerged from the "Third Period' (when they called reformist •social socialists fascists') and were pursuing the new line of 'People's Front'.

In Britain, this involved a turn towards the Independent Labour Party, which at that time wielded influence considerable amongst workers repelled by both social democracy and the treachery of (The

ILP

broke Stalinism. organizationally from the Labour Party in 1931) In discussions with leaders of the left wing in the ILP, Trotsky insisted that orientation of the party must be towards the Labour Party as the mass party of the British working class. In this from the excerpt pamphlet 'Once Again: The ILP', is dealing Trotsky with the objectors to a vote for Labour, who argued that only those candidates who stood for a con- internationalist sistent policy against the Italian invasion of Abyssinia should win the support of workers at the ballot box.

The vote for Labour, Trotsky explains (as Lenin explained in Communism' 15 his "Left-Wing years before is not a vote of confidence in the Labour leaders, any more than it denotes moral approval the individual of candidate's personal qualities.

Whether individual Labour candidates were for revolutionary action against the invasion of Abyssinia, or supported the im- perialist League of Nations 'economic sanctions' made not a scrap of difference to the class nature and roots of the British Labour Party. At the height of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, middle- class pacifists argued that Labour candidates who refused to oppose British possession of the f-bomb should be boycotted at elections.

One group even ran indepen- dent candidates on the issue of the bomb alone where the Labour candidate was a right-winger.

"anti- Like supporters of sanction' candidates in the ILP 35 years ago, this tactic betrayed a middle-class, subjective approach to the Labour Party, and ignored the struggle of the working class to break free from the grip of reformism. Trotsky's polemic against the ILP abstentionists applies with equal force today. Blackburn, Jordan and the rest Moles' of the of the blind "Red International Marxist Group now advance the same argument—only now in a far more degenerate of form. They are for total abstention on June 18—with the wrecking of Labour Party election meetings thrown in for good measure.

analysis Trotsky's written nearly 35 years ago, is an excellent counterblast to these revisionists. • As Trotsky once said of the our ultra left: 'A sectarian is a frightened opportunist.' That sums up the political evolution Blackburn and ons Jordan perfectly. QUESTION: Was the ILP correct in refusing critical support to the Labour Party candidates who advocated military sanctions ? ANSWER: No. Economic sanc- tions, if real, lead to military sanctions, to war. The ILP been saying this. It itself has should have given critical sup- port to all Labour Party can- didates, i.e. where the ILP not contesting. In itself was the 'New Leader' I read that your London Division agreed to support only anti-sanction- ist Labour Party candidates.

This too is incorrect. The Labour Party should have been critically supported not be- it was for or against cause sanction but because it repre- working - class sented the masses. The basic error which was made by some ILPers who withdrew critical support was to assume that the war danger necessitated a change in our appreciation of reformism. But as Clausewitz said, and Lenin often repeated, war is the con- other tinuation of politics by means. If this is true, it ap- plies not only to capitalist parties but to social-demo- cratic parties. The war crisis does not alter the fact that the Labour Party is a workers' which party, the governmental party is not.

Nor does it alter the fact that the Labour Party leadership cannot fulfil their promises, that they will betray the con- fidence which the masses place in them. In peace-time the workers will, if they democracy, for war, the Ilillsil introducera Labour ary retorms. the that ilict about ate small only to world war. Thus, both so long as mocracy talism.

ILP

you do not we will go periences case do we with the gramme. workers. •suy of Clynes, in social trust die of hunger. reason, they om bullets. never give apport to reformism assumption. that re- power could e fundamental needs ssible, of course, that could government a few mild tempor- It Is also DossidIt of Nation tpone a military con- issues t secondary cartel can eliminate economic crises only uce them on a larger he League can elimin- episodic conflicts generalize them into and economic rises will only return edded explosive force s capitalism remains. social de- know that cannot abolish capi- war as in peace, the say to the workers: ur Party will deceive but you us. well, through your ex- but in no with you ourselves we identify Party pro- Labour on, Clynes, the

ILP

seeks t Clynes it helps not Clynes him. win, but iccessful in its tactic, the election , of the Labour gov- Lott: Leon Trotaky. Top: Above: ernment, and 80 pr before The workers will s had Clynes an we in power, heen hetter. It is true, the mental content and Baldwin is muc except, of the content Clynes is very diffe It is urged that Party already stan by its past deeds in its present For example, form. cision at Brighton. For us yes! But masses, the eight m voted Labour. danger Tor attach too much in conference decisior such evidence as ganda-but it canr sented beyond the our own press. of his own throat. Let us suppose t had been successfu cott tactic, had wo workers to follow i it the absen was million votes whic election for the La the came? war would in their disi turn to the Labour to us." sky. Top: J. R. Clynas Below: Baldwin. nd 80 prevents their ers will say: 'If only unes and Mornsor that • content of in is much the same rhaps, that Baldwin support for very different. ged that the Labour stands exposed deeds in power and plat- t reactionary example, by its de- -yes! But not for the e eight millions who is a great revolutionists decisions. We use as our power cannot er than the strength uppose that the ILP successful in a boy- had won a million le absence of this tes which lost r the Labour Party. masses their disillusionment e Labour Party, not

ONTINUEI

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The economic and political In other words, the 'self- enterprises' crisis in Yugoslavia was top managing are creasingly mortgaged. to the of the agenda at the two-day banks, which themselves are . conference of the Federation getting deeper into debt with of Trade Unions, held in overseas corporations. One delegate confer- Belgrade last month. at the Vid Kranzelic from the ence, factory, said Yugoslavia has been badly hit Zagreb Pryomajska by the effects of the world his enterprise now lacked money Hundreds capitalist recession. of unable to run and was virtually thousands of workers who had its business. Yet it was exporting emigrated to work in the Com- 60-70 per cent of output to con- Market countries now mon are vertible markets. threatened with unemployment This situation goes under the Yugoslavia and are returning to name of 'illiquidity'. It means, in in search of work. practical that terms, many sec- Yugoslav industry has no facili- Yugoslay industry tions of are ties to absorb the the despite effectively bankrupt and cannot Tito desperate eflorts by their workers' even pay wages. government to provide more Under these conditions, Vuka- favourable terms for foreign in- sovic said, it was 'easy to under- vestment and raise capital over- stand that the influence of the working seas. class on the economic order to encourage foreign In society could lit be denie more investors to put their money into society not become more Yugoslay industry the dinar is in decisive' the process of being made fully In fact the workers are paying convertible with the main capi- a heavy penalty for the bureau- talist currencies. cratic mismanagement of the This will make Yugoslavia even economy and the increasing turn susceptible effects more to the towards world imperialism in of the economic crisis in the W Yugoslav economic policy.

In addition, foreign investors have been the given precedented right to invest Yugo- shareholders in majority slav companies. These investors buy their Call In September last way onto the workers councils year, one which worker in six was not are supposed to manage receiving the factories. his wages on time and a large In theory, the Yugoslav number were 'constantly un- certain about whether they would economy consists of a multitude of 'self-managing receive their wages at all', autonomous Vuka- enterprises' sovic told the conference.

each governed by 'We workers' councils. went on: must make sure this state of affairs is over- In practice, because the work- ing class is deprived of any inde- come and that the workers, once pendent means of political they have earned their ex- wages, by the bureaucracy, are guaranteed payment of them pression these councils are dominated regularly. The trade unions have representatives of the bureau- de- cracy itself. manded appropriate solutions from the federal organs in In cases where the foreign in- this respect. It is necessary to formu- vestors have seats on the cils, late a united attitude on this and theirs is frequently the last word. to implement it throughout the country. It is also necessary to strive to that lasting priority is set secured for the payment of wages in comparison with all the other obligations of the work organiza- Over the past decade, the pro- tions. actually We cannot accept that portion of workers sit- ting on the workers' councils has duction workers alone should declined substantially—an indi- bear the burden of illiquidity, cation that many workers have even when they are successful in be- their work.' curse a the frustration impossibility of This cause situation is rendered achieving real advance through doubly unacceptable a result the bureaucratized of the flagrant organizations. growth of privi- Whereas 1960 in workers leged layers in society. As Vuka- accounted for 76.2 per cent of sovic put it, 'domination and in- the workers' councils. member- equalities in decision-making ship, this had dropped by 1970 to spells domination and inequality 67.6 per cent. the and economic material Yugoslav industry is in- sphere'. creasingly dependent on the com- other In words, the bureau- bination of foreign investment crats and the managers have the raised on the and loans. western opportunity to enrich themselves stock markets. According at the workers' Vuka- expense. Vukasovic, Milan Federa- the sovic cited 'vast differences be- 'About tion's secretary: two- tween individual sections of the thirds of the total investments working class in the different still financed were from the conditions of employment, be- the and assets of banks socio- tween those who worked and political those who could not realize their communities (1.e. state corporations)' right to work, and between those "The He went who were finishing on: monetary university accumulation of the economic course and those who could not organizations amounted 1965 in acquire that kind of education.'

63 per cent of total accumula- But none of these sections of while in 1970 it dropped to 'dominates' tion, society another in 45.2 per cent. The commitments the sense in which the bureau- of work the organizations arising cracy controlling state from loans exceeded, in machine the many dominates working branches and even in some fields class. Vukasovic, whose function of activity, the assets left in at the head of the trade unions their funds.' is to divert workers' anger away Top: Tito desperate efforts to raise from the bureaucratic rulers, did not mention the bureaucracy it- self as a 'dominant' layer of society. But he did refer to the differ- 'who live ences between those only arising from on wages regular employment and those who live off and property speculation'. property These people are objects of hatred for the Yugoslav workers because, Workers Press, overseas. Above: Belgrade, wh • ralso capital Vukasovic put it in his as bureaucratic jargon: "The present policy of building apartments, unless radical change is made, will give workers with relatively low personal in- come and minimum family earn- ings no realistic prospect of solving their housing problems.'

Housing policy and land specula- tion are placing new housing out of reach even of those workers ers Press, Monday April 3, 1972 PAGE 5 grade, where the conterence was held his who get their pay on time.

The Yugoslav workers will not wait patiently for some bureau- cratic saviour to solve these burning problems, as is shown by the wave of strikes over non- payment of wages. The union federation conference reflects the growing anger and militancy of workers they begin to as feel the impact of the economic crisis in Yugoslavia.

PAGE 6 Workare Pr wlay Apill 3, 1972 In preparation for the Fourth Congress of the Inter- national Committee of the Fourth International, the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League are publishing the four main documents of the inter- the split with the national Committee covering French Organisation Communiste Internationaliste.

DOCUMENT 3

political mine Amendments proposed were by the

SLL

moreover, several

CONTINUED

were accepted. But during the conference, the of the Central Com-

SLL

Declaration delegates and Tine mittee of Socialists, the International Com- Young breaking with the agreement passed by the IC, munist Organization (For the Fourth of the presented a new amendment that International) the

OCI

delegates considered deeply false. The Comrade Berg, chairman, proposed to consider this amend.

and refer the Split at Essen? Committee established Liaison Essen, in order to prevent the "Split at Essen'; this is the SLL and YS delegates from being dramatic title of the second chap- politically crushed. This solution would be October 24 document. allow the question to ter of the which supposedly taken within the sections of split п ир battle 'the the without public expressed by the fact delegates of the OCI, the Hun- before making a final decision. garian section, and the LOM of The YS delegation refused.

The Conference of the Mexico voted with the centrists majority adopted the proposal of the AJS and even right-wing organizations here to the National We must point out, in the inter- (they refer Students Association of the USA) ests of historical truth. that the amendment proposed

NSA

delegates who were only against take the majority of the sections observers the IC (Ceylon, Ireland,

SLL,

the vote. of

USA,

the Greece. have already any this is Case n essential point. There was not explained what this 'majority' is. Essen? What then happened at the shadow of a political conces- by the

OCI.

the LSRH or First, we must remember, because sion POR to some seem forget it, that it by the centrist elements. Nonetheless the amendment was an international gathering was revolutionary youth which inadmissible for the 'There can be no revolutionary 5,000 brought together paruci- representatives of 32 party without revolutionary pants and theory. Behind each countries. gathering called on the basis of an appeal development in the history of the written by the AJS and taken motement by the Young Socialists at their ally Stalinism, stands revisionism.

The continuity 1971 of the struggle January, Conference Scarborough. This call, initiated for revolutionary Marxist theory struggle of the by youth organizations working the past. tne Fourth International and the together with the International International Committee, Committee was also signed from basis the beginning by youth organiza- only for initiatives tions which did consider which led to this gathering and "nOI (like for the struggle themselves Trotskyist the to construct

JCI

organization of the revolutionary youth international. youth 'Everywhere,

POUM).

revolutionary The incontestable success of youth must devote themselves above all to the task of develop- the Essen meeting was a political success in which the International ing Marxist theory in the fight ideology and all Committee and its organizations raised the level of the fight for the forms that it takes in the This is the construction of a Revolution- movement. Youth In this only basis for the ary International. combating sense, Cliff Slaughter, speaking in dangers of adventurism, of "pure" the name of the Central Commit- activism and militancy with

SLL,

tee of the correctly hailed which the revisionists and the this gathering as a step Maoists misled the youth forward and in internationalism'. which can only lead to historic oroletarian The defeats ior the working class. internatinhal

WAS

preceded by a conference of dele. Why? Above all, because of the section expressing the idealist where a resolution was pre sented and adopted unanimously position, the abandonment of the Young by Marxism, in the name of an ideo- (including Social- ists delegation) ratified the logy which it baptizes as 'Marx- and 5,000 next day by the youth ist When ophe French delegation présent. 'When SLL amendment on at Essen, Right the Interna- opposed the tional Committee met to deter- the struggle for Marxist theory.

it sealed an opposition to dia- lectical materialism which is not in the least new, explains the October 24 document. 'One year earlier, in June 1970 at the pre- ferences had become explicit, die conference of the IC these 1970 pre-conference, the OCI and LSRH delegations had warned the SLL of the seri- ous political risks of any tend- ency which transforms dialectical . into materialism ideology an (philosophy), of ideas a system developing within itself which breaks with the very essence of dialectical materialism; the unity of method, of form and content.

They emphasized that a discus- sion on the Marxist method was a serious vital discussion for it concerns the foundations of the programme and it should thus be approached with caution. The correctness of this warning has been revealed by the Essen amendment. The babbling about 'Marxist philosophy' has led, we repeat, to a fall into ideology. No, behind each development of opportunism in the workers movement, there is not "ideology, in the form of a revision (aban- of Marxism, donment) there is the reality of social forces in the class struggle struggle, the workers' expressed within movement itself which is the arena and outcome of this fight, and which gives rise to justifica- tions in the form of a revision of Marxism. It not Bernstein's 'mis- was •understanding' of Marxism which lay behind reformism, it is the class collaborationist practice, resting on the situation of the workers' aristocracy in the period of the development of imperial- ism, which creates the necessity justifying of ideologically this practice. This doesn't mean that 'reflection'. Bernstein is only In his political activity, he is an expression and at the same time element of integral the an workers' the struggle within The defence of the movement. proletariats' class interests imply a 'defence of Marxism' through an implacable theoretical criti- of revisionist ideology, a cism which itself criticism is an integral element of the prolet- ariat's class consciousness in his organized struggle for emancipa- tion. Marx explains that we must go from the arms of criticism to the criticism of arms: but the arms of criticism is itself a moment in the development of the class struggle and in this sense is a Also, of the criticism arms. theoretical struggle is always an expression of the class struggle; it does not exist outside of it.

Neither does the limited char- .

acter of Stalin lie 'behind' the theory of 'socialism in one coun- of ine bureaucratic caste wristh This expresses the interests took hold of political power. Does this mean that the theore- tical struggle is 'secondary'? No, on the contrary. Marxist theory is the concentration and general- ization of all the determinations of the class struggle, of its his- movement, and in torical this •does sense the class struggle not permit a single theoretical mistake'. But Marxist theory, method. is not an abstract sys- tem of ideas of social reality, and existing and of itself in which only needs to be 'applied'.

The Marxist method only exists through its content which inte- grates all the moments in the struggle proletariat's for his emancipation. In this sense, the programme of socialist revolu- Marxism and tion concentrates the defence of Marxist-theory can only be the defence of the pro- that is, the struggle to gramme, resolve the crisis of leadership.

It is not by fighting against 'bourgeois ideology' in isolation, on the level of ideology, that the International, revolutionary par- ties, and of course a revolution- ary youth organization will be is built. It organizing by the youth in a political fight for the proletarian revolution. under the leadership of the proletariat.

The formulation of the astonishing Essen amendment means that the youth organiza- tion is a substitute for the party and not a part of the struggle to construct it. Theoretical elabo- ration comes from the pro- gramme, and thus from the party and the necessary relationship between the theory and the con- struction of the youth organiza- tion is the formation of young communist cadres, a task which unites the assimilation of the programme to the political fight.

Programme, Consciousness, Revolutionary Party. But the Essen amendment goes further. In a fraudulent way -since it only deals with youth organizations—it makes the ideo- logical struggle the basis of the revolutionary construction parties. 'Revolutionary youth,' we are told, 'must themselves devote above all to the development of Marxist theory? At this point, we have the right to ask a question: is or is not the Transitional Programme of the Fourth International the highest expression of Marxism, that is, the theoretical generaliza- tion, on the basis of the Marxist method, of the experiences, strug- gles and gains of the world pro- letariat, of the whole movement?

On this point, at least 24 text is absolutely October clear. The answer is no and thus the content of the Essen amend- ment is perfectly revealed.

"What became most important thing in the prépara- tion sections was to develop dialectical materialism in a fight to understand and the working class under objec- tively changing conditions. This means the assimilation and development of dialectical materialism as the theory of Marxist knowledge. Reflecting the attacks dialectical on materialism by the petty bour- geois intelligentsia in the advanced countries, particu- larly in France and Germany and in the Eastern European countries; the French and Hungarian delegations declared that dialectical materialism was not a theory of knowledge and defended the position that only the programme forms the basis of building revolutionary parties. "This is the very essence of which opens the revisionism way to liquidation of the party into centrism.' So you say! We naive that are so we thought that the method of the Transitional Programme was the revolutionary mobilization of the working class, beginning with its present level of consciousness, state, against the bourgeois a mobilization indissolubly con- nected to its organization, whose movement towards accomplishing its tasks was its consciousness, or as Marx and Engels said in 'German Ideology' 'A massive transformation of men is necessary for the mass creation of this communist con- sciousness as well as being a pre- requisite for its but success; such a transformation can only take place by a practical move- ment, by a revolution; this revo- lution is necessary not only because it is the only way to overthrow the dominant class; it is equally necessary because only a revolution will enable the class which overthrows the other to sweep away all the garbage of the old system which hangs on to it and enable it to build a society of new foundations.

But no, to 'transform' the con- sciousness of the working class is a specific task, possible when one 'undertands' this conscious- an understanding which is ness, gained on the condition that one wants to 'develop' dialectical materialism (which means pre- cisely what? If one understands how a muscle is developed with exercises it is difficult to con- ceive the 'development' of dialec- tical materialism.) What that means in any case, is that the programme is not enough. There is more, above that, in actuality up in the sky, as an independent factor, whose 'development' undoubtedly depends the intellectual on gymnastics of the thinkr s of the SLL, Marxist, : philosophy as a 'theory of the knowledge of Marxism'. But what then is the programme if not the most com- plete expression of dialectical materialism in our epoch? A recipe book? It will be necessary to carry this discussion through to its c:d no preventive "splits' and sar i- tioned by trumped up majorit es will prevent it. Profound disagreements w're revealed at Essen. By themselies

CONTINUED TOMORROW

Right: the Essen rally f July 1971 where the French delegation opposed the SLL amendment en the struggle for Marxist theory.

PAQE 8: Workera Preas, Monday Aprll 3, 1972 We are reprinting here articles by Cliff Slaughter which appeared in Workers Press on October 7 and 8, 1969. They explain the political background to the Labour government's dispatch of troops to the province in the summer of that year.

They have a particular relevance today to the events sur- rounding Heath's declaration of Direct Rule.

IRELAND, after hund- remained attached directly to the Westminster government.

reds of years of imperial- These 'Unionists' have had to base their politics ist oppression, was par- ever since on the supposed advan- titioned following the tages of this union to the Protestant majority in North- workers' uprising of ern Ireland. Whereas the Catholic re-! Easter 1916 in Dublin ligion predominates in Ireland and the 1918 Civil War. as a whole, the six counties contain of those maJority professing Protestantism.

The present state of Nor- •This from historical! arises thern Ireland consists of six beginning in the 17th 16th and centuries, in counties in the north-east of which the English ruling class Protestant Ireland, the remaining 26 settled farmers, mostly Scots, these coun constituting Eire, the Re- ties, giving them the best land, in order to consolidate their public. rule. From 1912 onwards, the Now, of course, the vast descendants - majority of their landlords and capitalists of who Ireland remain in are what is now Northern Ire- propertyless wage-workers Belfast and the smaller towns.

land, particularly in Belfast, In order to keep the work- organized open military re- of the North dis- ing class united, to keep the Protestant sistance against the proposed workers in the political grip of the Unionist (Conservative) 'Home Rule', in which the Party, it has been necessary Liberal government of the day all to convince them above the that connection with at Westminster proposed to « Britain and the continuance of Unionist rule is an advantage grant limited independence to to them as workers. Ireland. Thus the Catholic worker is: Led by Sir Edward Carson, discriminated the against by. this reactionary group, sup- capitalists and the state: his ported by the Tories and by worthless through votes are of the military Gen- 'geriymandering ' elements the eral Staff in Britain, forced a of constituencies; arrangement situation where 'Ulster', or the he has less chance of a house; six counties of the North-East,.

from he is excluded many jobs; his children v educated in inferio In addition, welf of the and contra North, Republic. It is now a desp for the and Britain preserved. The i crisis of capitalism the stage where a c the working capitalist, country avoided. This is the lessor taly and Germany Northern relanc Britain. It will be fatal f talists once the drawn, are struggle against the landlord, and the being instead of of the agents are deliberately le into Hasnes basis. There have beer cades the middle-class no clashes between lics fighting for civi rich Protestants 'Loyalists'! The attention class is turned petuating these divi working class. capitalism can future for either the or the Catholic. w these because the strength: power of their clas out the world, the will not fight contained within t hildren will be worse in inferior schools. ion, welfare services through won d contrast with the w a desperate matter of reland that this division ed. The international pitalism has reached where a confict with ing class in every country cannot be the lesson of France, e fatal for the capi: e the workers who ed into Belfast slums united, into this real their employer, the and the government, led, as the capitalist class rately leading them, on a religious ave been no barri- upper-class and Belfast of ss areas between rich Catho- g for civil rights and estants fightins as ention of the ruling rned instead to per- hese divisions in the game is up! Because provide no either the Protestant tholic worker; and and offensive their class through- their need to cannot be and ligious "sectarian' Within of the clashes forces of the state or Catholic worker this year, a remark took place in the Protestant worke used as a century Clinnort Tor That nection', found the street battles agains pying British Army For a few ext wing Unionists of breaking idea minster was one Only a warning of as became uneasy. But for the workers of Belfast, for all that ist (i.e. with British troops was other thing! Simon-pure so-called socialists will object that the ant workers them prevented the Catholic worke That But the events is here portance. These wr been led bitterness victims employment and b by taking it out the Cathe The signifies precisely maintenance of car in Northern Irelar neer depend or together th th ish Army! few extreme right. onists to the reaking from thing: it was rning of the tensions e coming to the sur- old equilibrium Belfast, deluded fo voting Union- all that went with Britain) to nghi reformers and socialists of course that those Protest- rs clashed with the from fighting ic workers. • of course, what objective logic of of decisive im- These workers have express their exploitation, un- t and bad housin! it out on their class he Catholics. the that Ireland this device ith the Specia Above and Ireland trouble Tus. Powers Act that go These same find the troops, state, Constabula Specials to batter them dow struggles. Also they attempting to union legislation creased The Catholic coming into the sa Because of the rel reactionary and unions the from the Stalinists, middle-c by the rights' advocates that pressure on 1 bring positive refor housing, education, protection the Civil Rights mo a way of expressing ingness to struggle been steadily against capitalism country. bear on the Unioni. stantial reforms. Their middle-cla peddled the argume the Labour

CONTINUE

TOMORROT

left: Early t that goes with it. ame workers will forces of the •Pro sorted by the onstabular and B- policins the slums), attempting hem down in strike have Wilson to introduce anti- lation and face in- employment, wage- productivity' speed- atholic worker is the same overall ainst capitalism and • government. control political parties and Republicans he has been led middle-class civil believe to ure on Wilson ive reforms on jobs, votes and against arbitrary atholic workers saw lights movement as expressing that will- struggle which has building up every ught that by givin 'civil 'ights bring pressure e Unionists for sub- niddle-class leaders e argument that sup- could be got Labour government

ONTINUED

MORROW

After the recent closure of the capitalist daily Paris- Jour' comes trouble for the French Stalinist press. '['Humanité, the Communist Party daily, has published an urgent appeal for a sales drive. High production costs and fall- ing advertising revenue has forced the Party to cut-back the on circulation of its paper and the Sunday magazine-type journal 'L'Humanité-Dimanche'. "This fall is not fatal, the paper said 'but it is urgent to reverse the tendency. By read- ing the paper, victims of govern- ment policy can get the means • to clearly analyse their difficul- ties and communists would get 'a correct understanding of the situation'. added, significantly, Read- It ing "L'Humanité" is essential for political the and theoretical training of party members'. It is circulation évident from and membership figures that many members do not bother to read the Party press. fact decline of the the Stalinist press is of long-standing and is not fundamentally a ques- tion of rising costs or other economic factors, but reflects the CP's political crisis. After the Liberation it rapidly built a large number of provincial dailies and 'L'Humanité' had one of the largest circulations in the country with round about a mil- lion daily sale. Most provincial dailies have since died and many specialized periodicals which the Party controlled have either dis- appeared or have a reduced circulation. At the same time, the capitalist press, a large part of which had prevented from re-appearing been because of collaboration with the Nazis and • Vichy, steadily made a come-back. For a time practically every class-conscious worker read 'L'Humanité" or its local equiva- lent. But those days long are past. Although workers may still vote communist, they no longer have the same degree ot trust in the Party's day-by-day analysis of events. Stalinism's crisis has been particularly acute as far as the press is concerned. The Party can build a magni- ficent headquarters, but it cannot find the militants ready to go and sell the papers as it round in the 1930s, or the years could immediately after the war.

'L'Humanité' can lease space at , fair to its annual money-raising big capitalist concerns, but it can no longer find workers to make sacrifices for it on the same scale as in the past. The crisis of the Stalinist press is part of a political crisis the degeneration of the Communist Party itself. Many sections of the Byelo- russian economy are lagging according to the behind report of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Macherov, speaking to the of Byelo- 23rd Congress russian trade unions. He emphasized that some enterprises had achieved not their planned targets and that a number of farms had failed to reach their quota of grain pro- duction. As a result consumer demand is still not being satisfied.

He pointed to serious deficien- cies in a number of fields and particularly stressed that the quality of many products had not improved over the past ten years.

In the republic the plan for in- creasing productivity by industry as a whole was only two-thirds fulfilled. He explained this by saying that a large number of people were not working at full stretch, trade union workers including (are there, then, workers in the Soviet Union who are not mem- bers of a trade union?). Mechan- ization was also proceeding too slowly and serious shortcomings in production were taken for granted and workers were em- ployed in excess of the norm.

Macherov's report was a sorry tale of bureaucratic mismanage- ment and nonchalant acceptance of long-standing deficiencies all round the republic's economy.

He criticized the local bureau- cracy for giving scant attention to housing needs: 'Applications for apartments are not considered at the right time and there are occasions when consideration is people without prior given to investigation .of their housing conditions ... Some apartments are assigned out of turn without Marchais, General Secretary of the French CP: appealing for sales drive for declining 'L'Humanité' justification.' deplored the fact that 'working conditions are still poor at many enterprises', that 'the industrial situation regards as safety is still bad and the regula- tions on the hours of work are being observed in many not localities'. He called on the assembled bureaucrats trade union to 'review the situation with regard to lost production time, and put the matter right. Agriculture was facing serious problems owing to the need to re-sow the winter grain. He de- fertilizers plored the fact that were being used wastefully. 'Not only is there a shortage of machinery' he said, 'but what wastefully used'. there is is Labour turnover was too high due to bad organization and poor working conditions. This frank assessment by the Party secretary for the benefit of trade union leaders was no doubt intended as a warning to the bureaucracy of the Byelorussian republic. Its incompetence and routine methods are incurring a wide measure of hostility from the working class. "Under the conditions of acute tension which prevail in the Soviet Union there is no place for the old orgies of self-congratulation in which the bureaucracy was wont to indulge. Workers Press, Monday April 3, 1972 PAQE 9 'Gazette's' 'Dog Watches Dog' 'The Budget will work, column. both as a boost to the economy and as an antidote to unem- 'Sir—I realize that the name and in ployment now the the Beach of Passionate Love - only if the actories later is Pantai Semut Api and not newspapers keep on saying Keringga (Mrs Kathleen Clark, there is a bonanza in the High March 24). My error was due Streets. to two things - haste and an 'Not as association of ideas, the latter being a translation: "Red ants Well, since then a lot more The passion that in a bamboo. boomless days have passed, tortures my frame is like you!"

splashless, Evidently too. no that Chinta one takes 'Dog' seriously.

do maintain Berahi is not passionate love If we read last week's item but merely seductive sweet- further, we see why. It sounded hearts or love. just like-and may be was- Letter in the Daily Tele- No. 11 injunction from an graph'. Downing St. "The lesson of recent Bud- gets', 'is that the item said. their largesse, they despite have dissolved in luke-warm Who says the Common Market won't solve unemployment? Already letters have begun to delega- arrive at the British tion to the EEC in Brussels applying for the hundreds of be allocated posts which will to British subjects in the Mar- ket institutions. The applicants will eager wait have to another year before they are called. The enlarged Common Market com- will make the mission which has yet to be appointments appointed. But don't worry, there's lots of scope for talent. The 'Daily Telegraph' its readers assures that it will... not necessarily choose civil servants or people Barber: his Budget was a of with experience interna- flop for the PR men work.• Academics and tional headlines. A boom is needed.

professions will This is a case where wishing be eligible.' Post your applica- -and subbing [sub-editing, ion now to avoid disappoint handling design the position, Or apply ment later. at your and treatment of stories] can local labour exchange. ...

make it so. 'Advertisers will soon get on the bandwagon, but the news-

FLOP

papers themselves must get the of the mud and wheels out rolling again.' Government public-relations worried, it Thank you, Anthony Barber.

men are seriously Or so we gather from Next week's political seems. party little that behalf strange item broadcast of the on appeared in last week's UK Conservative and Unionist Press Gazette'. Party The 'Gazette'-published to If this is a directive from fascination indulge journalists' on high, then it just goes to with their own incredibly bor- weak- show the extreme Chan- mindedness of the Tories' eco- noted that ing gossip £2,300m Bud- nomic PRO's. A Fleet St-led cellor Barber's boom? Even get had been a gigantic PR John Maynard failure. Keynes would in his turn Several days had already grave! 'Daily The real reason for the luke- passed without the Express' producing its custom- boomless headlines, warm, Boom! Boom!' Everyone 'Boom! however, • is clear. ary knows that it wasn't the real headline. "This is serious, intoned the purpose of the Budget at all.

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PAGE 10 Workers Prosa, Monday Aprli 3, 1972 Miners of Sallent and Bal- Occupation of the pits was precipitated by the management sareny in Catalonia won a February 10, sacked who, on major — unreported—victory worker work for refusing to against their employers, the The workers threatened a alone. Rio Tinto Mining Company, strike and the his job got man Occupation back. started with a month ago. this victory. Details of how the miners Miners slept in the pits and occupied the food mines in support their brought and wives of their wage demands are only talked to their husbands over the filter through the beginning to pit telephone system. underground which movement, Franco's illegally under operates fascist dictatorship. Their action began with a go- the Sallent slow in mines. Management responded by imme- diately sacking eight. workers.

On February 6 the Balsareny miners held a joint meeting with the Sallent miners' representa- On February: 12, tives and agreed. on a joint action the Civil -the occupation of their pits on Guard moved in and formed an 12. Reinstatement of the pithead to February armed guard at the sacked miners would be their prevent food and water from first demand. being lowered the to miners. I would like information about Fill in the form below and send to NATIONAL

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months.. Amount enclosed £ Their intervention sparked off solidarity action in the towns.

where bars, shops, theatres and their cinemas closed were as owners and workers struck in support of the occupation. The miners' wives began a 'sit-in' in the local church. February 14 proved to be the point. At l the turning a.m., occupying miners revealed that of their fellows were ill. two The miners- refused to give up unless they miners these sick were given food and water, and eventually at 2.30 the Civil Guard allowed food to be lowered.

• of the occupation Supporters set off in their cars in search of provisions, getting shopkeepers out of bed who gave a good food and 60 supply of new blankets free of charge. The sick miners were brought to the surface and the company made its first concession.

The second concession was the offer to re-employ four of the sacked men and a guarantee of no resprisals. A mass meeting of miners greeted this ofter with the contempt which it deserved.

As the company retreated, sup- port flowed in for the occupation.

All business in Sallent and Bal- sareny was. paralysed, including the woodyards. Workers in the Colonia Soldevilla, Reveilla and practically all Navas came out •in a solidarity strike. The local mayor was forced to give 60 blankets to the wives occupying the local church where they had been joined by over 500 sympathizers. Development of widespread action frightened the manage- ment. At 3 a.m. on February 17 they reached an agreement with men who were occupying their pits and the men voted to end their occupation. However, the occupation was not ended until the Rio Tinto Mining Company's managing di- rector went down the pit and put his signature at the bottom of miners' the five demands: те- employment of all those sacked; no reprisals; payment for the days they were on strike; pay- ment of two rest days for every- one in the mines; negotiation of the collective agrement before the end of February. Rio Tinto has its headquarters in London. The same corpora- tion owns the giant Ayonmouth lead smelter which was shut in February after dangerous levels of lead poisoning were found in the workers' systems. Chairman of Rio Tinto is Sir Val Duncan, a close friend both Edward Heath and Harold Wilson. Roy Wright Deputy chairman has just been visiting Moscow seeking to negotiate permissior to drill for minerals in Siberia.

Another senior director of the company is Lord Byers, leader of the Liberals in the House of Lords.

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'GREAT BRITAIN 1920-1970' The Fontana Economic History of Europe. Volume Vi, Chapter 3.

By A. J. Youngson. Price 45p.

'DEPRESSION AND RECOVERY?

BRITISH

ECONOMIC GROWTH

1918-1939'. By B. W. E. Alford.

History. Studles in Economic Macmillan Papermac. Price 60p.

A Marxist analysis of the development of British capi- talism in the period of its historic decline is badly needed. In the meantime bourgeois economic historians are getting to work on the 20th century and producing a stream of publications of uneven quality which contain much useful material. Their assumption and perspec- these two works, tive, as • with only distort the picture not which they present, but leave out large chunks altogether.

Of these two pamphlets, that by A. J. Youngson provides a readable and connected account period 1920-1970 in of the conventional, not to say conser- vative way. That by Alford, while useful specialist, because it for the deals with a controversy now raging between professional eco- nomic historians about the state of the British economy between the wars, is off-putting by its discussion which takes technical too much for granted. pamphlet forms Youngson's general economic his- part of tory of Europe being published by Fontana in separate, over- priced parts. It crams in a good deal of factual material and pro- vides a concise narrative of the from the standpoint of period orthodox supporter of capi- an takes capitalist pro- talism. It perty relations for granted, dis- misses nationalization as 'an old- fashioned nostrum' and, while he does not say as much, he obvi- ously expects the system to go on for ever. number of economic his- A torians have tried to show in recent years that the British economy was not doing so badly This school between the wars. says of the 1920s that 'this was a period of fairly rapid economic progress' and speaks of the 1930s as a time of recovery and struc- tural change. Alford's pamphlet is a survey of the debate which these claims sparked off and from his own examination rightly characterizes the period as one in which there was in contrast with the late 19th century, a persistently wide margin of unemployed resources.

It is this fact, in association with evidence on the available various aspects of the economy, which justifies a pessimistic view.

of Britain's economic perform- ance between 1918 and 1939'.

For a Marxist, of course, judgement of an economy in of 'performance'-which terms means rates of growth of pro- duction, productivity and per real income-has only a capita secondary interest. thing is to The important investigate the working out of the 'laws of motion' of the capi- talist mode of production as it was manifested in imperialism; monopoly, "the drive to war, fascism, class struggles and revo- lution. Obviously neither of these works is in the least interested in the dialectical view of his- tory. Youngson does show what fac- conservative economist tors a regards as important — and his grasp is generally more realistic than some of those who have tried to rehabilitate the inter-war period and depict it as a period of progress. At least he is clear that the system was under pres- sure and in a crisis, though he is unable to explain its inner nature. ror instance, he does not shy away from the fact that World War I had a decisive impact on British while the economy writes it Alford, unaccountably, down as 'a secondary factor in determining economic develop- ment between 1918 and 1939'.

The war was followed by a hectic speculative boom which landed many firms with an over- capitalized financial structure which pushed down the profit rate (or caused losses to be made) while making it impos- sible to raise fresh capital for modernization and re-equipment.

This hastened the industrial decline in the older industries and areas which had its roots in the latter part of the 19th cen- tury. The change in Britain's world position in the 1920s, with the rise of US economic power and the intensified competition on rivals world market from old and some new ones, like Japan, together with the return to gold at the pre-1914 parity, aggravated the problems of industry in that decade. However, new opportunities for profitable investment-though the generally economic historians studiously avoid discussing pro- fits, the mainspring of capitalist production-opened up by new technologies and made possible by the defeats of the working change the class did begin to prospect from the mid-1920s.

The General Strike is crucial here, as the conservative Young- son admits: 'Resistance to money wage reduction in all industries was greatly reduced, and strikes, now regarded as futile [by whom?

-TK], became relatively uncom- mon ... collaboration between trade unionists [he means the bureaucracy and the Mond- Turner agreements] was much more common and constructive.'

This, at least is honest. Alford virtually passes over this crucial event in inter-war history with a casual mention. A recent book The British Economy, entitled 1870-1939' by D. H. Aldcroft Richardson, and H. W. two leading exponents of the view that the inter-war period was pretty good (for the employers?

.T.K.), treat the General Strike in two half-sentences as a 'random shock'! One can also accept in its main lines Youngson's account of the depressive effects of post-1918 financial policy, aimed to restore the gold standard at the pre-war parity for the pound. This was, of course, necessary for the City of London and accepted by the ruling class as a whole (Chur- was Chancellor of the chill Exchequer at the time and was not free from some doubts) des- pite the widespread condemna- tion by economists and his- torians being wise after the event.

At the superficial level of the narrative of events there is not much to complain of in Young- son's account of the 1930s. He explain is unable to why the world economic depression was so sharp and prolonged and why it led to World War II which finally brought it to an end, only to create in its opposite, the contradictions of the post- new war expansion. Youngson is much more con- cerned with showing how British capitalism was able to ward off some of the worst effects of the depression and undertake, after of recovery 1934, a measure which compared favourably with nost other capitalist countries- und to do so, it might be added without resort to fascism.

His conclusion is rather self- satisfied: "British recovery was remarkable, and her performance in the 1930s was far superior to what had been achieved in the 1920s? While noting the devaluation pound, the adoption of of the protective tariffs (which incident- ally made possible for Britain's rulérs a new international eco- The General Strike: 'collaboration betwe nomic strategy which had some successes to its credit in hard with weaker trading bargaining partners), the upsurge in house building and the growth of 'new' industries as factors in the revi- is also frank val, Youngson enough to put his finger on a decisive factor which under- pinned all this 'recovery.

This was the much greater fall in the of goods Britain sort imported-mainly foodstuffs and raw materials - compared with the prices of her. mainly manu- factured exports. Assisted by sheltered markets in the Empire and the sterling area then brought into existence, exports able to improve were at the same time. Cheap imports kept down of food, the price thus expanding the internal mar- ket for the 'new' industries and the service trades which were growing in semi-parasitic a fashion at this time. As raw materials they also - kept down the cost of industry (both variable and constant) and thus counteracted the tendency for the rate of profit to fall and made possible faster accumula- tion. No mystery about that, especi- ally as many forms of investment now made available by techno- logical change had been lagging behind in Britain ever since the beginning of the 20th century. The fact remains that the recov- ery was only partial and would have been still more so but for the rearmament drive in the latter 1930s. While dealing with state inter- vention, now necessary to sup- port capitalism in its crisis—with the working class still suffering from defeats and the crisis of leadership (needless to say, not - Youngson mentioned) soft- pedals on the growth of mono- poly. He even suggests later on that there was no trend towards monopoly inherent in capital- ism. But under the National Gov- economic policy was ernment, definitely based on bolstering and extending monopoly control of key industries. It was during this period, indeed, that Britain's his- toric lag in monopolization was largely bridged. British 'recovery' during the 1930s was based on the assets What retained from the past. adventi- describes as Youngson tious'—i.e. accidental-the fav- ourable shift in the terms of trade was based on the favour- bargaining position of the able imperialist metropolis in rela- tion to its colonies and semi- colonies. In addition, earnings from past investment met some- foreign thing like one quarter of total foreign payments. It was pos- sible, in some years, to run a deficit by balance-of-payments simply repatriating a small pro- portion of overseas investments.

How different the situation was to be after World War II.

Then, after the further heavy administered to Britain's blows world position and the continued tremendous advance, Workers Pres ion between trade unionists was much more c export drive had to be mounted one position after another as was lost. British capitalism, like the rest of Europe, depended on American economic aid to pull out of the immediate post-war crisis which threatened it with complete collapse. This fact is more or less dis- creetly minimized and over- looked as historians dealing with the period since 1945 become lost contemplation of the expansion, boom and full employ- ment' while, at the same time, feel perplexed in explaining the poor growth record of Britain compared with other countries of W Europe and Japan. Youngson, somewhat . embar- rassed by the trends of the 1930s, breathes more freely when he comes to the post-war period.

explains But why no more capitalism was able to obtain a respite and expand after the war than he was to able to explain the depression of the pre-war decade. Impressed by Keynesian claims, he waxes enthusiastic about the discovery of new policies to maintain full employment'.

truly epoch- was,. he says making development' when gov- 'morally com- ernments became mitted' to maintain full . employ- The obviods question is ment. what happened to their moral commitment when the forces which produced the boom began to flag. Post-war recovery and expan- sion cannot be explained with- out reference to class forces: on the continued the one hand paralysis of leadership in the working-class the movement, betrayals of Stalinism and reformism, which enabled capital the other the o survive, on strength of the working class, enhanced by full employment, as a factor quite the opposite to that of the 1930s. orkers Press, Monday April 3, 1972 PAGE 11 .

ch more common and constructive' The new phase of expanded reproduction began on the basis • of the Bretton Woods agreement, which consecrated the interna- tional key role of the dollar and made • possible expansion of the circulating medium. In the case of Britain, this began, in fact, in the 1930s. And it was partly for this reason later slower that growth was than in other capitalist countries.

But into this comparison clearly enters the ageing process in British industry, the existence of a heavy weight of obsolete obsolescent capital equip- ment. The analysis of the new period of expanded reproduction has not only misled bourgeois economists and historians into overestimat- ing the strength of capitalism and the changes in its structure dur- ing the boom. It has also pro- duced a crop of 'Marxist' revi- sions represented by the theory ot the permanent arms economy the theory of 'neo-capitalism' and a 'new industrial revolution' and the Stalinist theory of 'state capitalism' ripe for monopoly "advanced democracy'. The task of theoretical expan- sion is barely taken up at all in Youngson's pamphlet. For the post-war period he confines him- self mainly to description rather than analysis. In fact the analysis proferred by the orthodox is, in any case, banal in the extreme. It is literally true that no historian has economist.or yet valid analysis of the written a world economic depression and even the discussion of the post- 1945 period — when capitalism appears to have much more go- ipg for it—is superficial in the extreme. The principal lesson to be derived from a perusal of essays like those of Alford and Young- son is the need for a more thorough Marxist treatment of capitalist development in the epoch of its decay. Moscow Trials Anthology Paperback, 624р

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GKN makes pay PAGE 12 Workers Press, Monday April 3,

BY STEPHEN JOHNS

ONE of Manchester's biggest employers has approached unions for talks over the engineer- ing pay dispute, now in its second week. Two local union officials will meet management at Guest Keen and Nettlefold's steel plant at Bredbury, Stockport, for negotiations on Wednesday. It was at this plant that the greater Manchester battle for a wage increase, shorter hours and began. more longer holidays than two weeks ago when work- ers there began a sit-in strike.

Action by the Bredbury steel workers has been followed by a total of 7,000 workers who are occupying 11. factories in the North West. May spread Tomorrow the occupation may spread to one of the city's largest factories, AEl's in Trafford Park, where 3,500 workers have been told they will not be paid if they continue with their ban on piece work. So far GKN have been con- sidered one of the hawks in the NW Engineering Employers' Federation and some union offi- cials are already declaring , the request for negotiations as a 'breakthrough' But GKN are unlikely to offer anywhere near the £10, a 35-

BY GARY GURMEET IN SCARBOROUGI

ALL fines imposed under the Industrial Relations Act should be repaid when Labour again takes office, it was urged here at the weekend. resolution An emergency passed at the annual conference of the self-styled Labour Party Young Socialists called on the trade unions to 'totally ignore' the Act. It asked the next Labour gov- ernment to repeal the Act and indemnify organizations charged under its provisions. by Attended 150 delegates and about 280 visitors the llth conference of the LPYS has pro- duced a newly-strengthened ally

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SUNDAY lunches were wasted on the prison ship 'Maidstone' in Belfast harbour as the internees on board kept up their hunger strike. The fast-in protest against conditions on the ship and the internment policy in general— began two days ago.

NEWS DESK

01-720 2000

CIRCULATION

01-622 7029 Press, Street, London. ay April 3, 1972 hour week and holidays more demanded by steel workers.

given Employers who have concessions on hours and holi- days have been threatened with expulsion from the Employers' Federation: Meanwhile an explosive situa- tion is developing among semi- skilled and unskilled workers in the dispute. Most of these are General and Municipal in the Workers' Union which so far has refused to follow the Amalgam- ated: Union Engineering

BOROUGH

of the Labour Party's treacherous bureaucracy. • This is the so-called "Militant' group which has used its majority the National Committee to serious effectively silence any criticism of reformism. «Militant' Over the weekend supporters opposed the expul- sion of Common Market sup- • in the Labour Party and ports the immediate removal of the Tory government as the only real way to assist Irish workers.

Conference defeated an amend- ment moved by another group, the 'Young Chartists', calling for the expulsion of Jenkins and 68 MPs who voted with the Tories on the Common Market. from Croy- Derek McMillan don LPYS was cheered loudly

WEATHER

ted GENERAL SITUATION: trough of low pressure is moving northwards over western dis- tricts of Britain. S, SW England and S Wales will be rather cloudy with occa- NW England. sional rain. •N Ireland and SW Scot- Wales, land will start bright but cloud rain will spread from the and SW later. NW Scotland will have showers, with bright intervals at first. Eastern districts of Scotland and. E England will be mostly dry with bright intervals especi-l ally in the morning. Temperatures normal generally will be near but it will be rather warm in Southern districts of England.

- Outlook for Tuesday and Wed- nesday: Changeable with rain at times, particularly in the N and W, but also some sunny intervals.

Workers and make the occupa- tions official. The 600 G&M members at been in Bredbury Steel have for over two weeks occupation without strike pay or dole.

union's Ken the Baker, national organizer, will travel north tomorrow to discuss the situation with local G&M officials.

• The union's regional executive has fact strongly recom mended official backing, but where more than 200 members are involved in dispute • the a when he said that the expulsion demand was 'ludicrous' •The question is not of expell- ing the 69 Jenkinsites because you could only replace them with another 69 Wilsonites, he said.

of opposing Wil- In the guise son these revisionists refused to mobilize any action against the right wing. On N Ireland all radical 'Militant' used by. the phrases majority amounted to little more than mere words. they raise the Nowhere did demand for Labour and trade- to campaign in leaders union Britain for the Tory government's resignation. last-minute change in Only a the agenda allowed a resolution condemning the Labour leader- ship in its support for Tory direct rule. Moore, a delegate from Paul , Norwood LPYS, was booed when he called for defence of the IRA against the British army.

Speaking in the Irish debate yesterday, Brent delegate Graham Bash said the LPYS had to un- conditionally oppose direct rule.

We must mobilize the British working class behind the Irish That is the only pos- struggle. sibie solidarity we can show, Pickets fight ALL 100 striking draughtsmen at Fenners engineering factory. Hull.

demonstrated outside the plant on Thursday against their union secretary's alleged victimization.

The strikers-members of the technicians the section Amalgamated Union of Engineer- ing Workers—have been out for eight weeks. Last week they were joined by 18 members of the AUEW from department, whose • the research sympathy action 'has been made official by the union's district strikers feel that their The action is now having a consider- able effect on the management and they hope that the research men's sympathy action will be the beginning of moves by other sections of the AUEW. final decision rests with the National Executive. According to one G&M official this weekend the executive is un- likely to discuss the issue until its next meeting in about two weeks' time. Feeling at Bredbury was summed up by one worker who me: If Baker does not told across with the come money there will be no G&M left at the We are not going steel works. to be treated like those Pilking- ton lads were at St Helens.'

mainly Officlal IRA

ABOUT 100

members of Clann na h'Eireann (children of Ireland) arrived at Hyde Park yesterday just as 500 members of the Provisional IRA were leaving for a rally in Kil- burn. The two separate marches were staged to commemorate the 1916 Easter Rising.

DEAL TO LONDON

1972

WEN GID THE

RIGHT TO WORK

19 YOUNG SOCIALISTS 12th Al Saturday & Sunday April 8/ Dance to 'BRAVE NEW WORLD also see a star-stur Cost approximately £4.50. For tickets apply to Je 186 a Clapham High Street, Lo Please send me details/tickets of thi I enclose

NAME

ADDRESS

BY OUR OWN REPORTER

CRUCIAL debates on sala- ries and registration under the Industrial Relations Act take place today the at National Union of Teachers' conference in Blackpool. Although not favouring regi- stration now, the NUT leadership hopes to keep its hands free to register at any time in the im- mediate future. Opposition on salaries could come to a head over the execu- tive's acceptance of the divisive salary scales principle and its of any flat-rate abandonment claim benefiting all teachers.

But the mood of the teachers' conference may have been shown in Saturday's debates on nursery education and school conditions.

In both the executive pushed through amendments deleting mandatory sanctions if deadlines for action are not met. Implementation of nursery education-especially vital for working-class children-has been continually postponed since the 1944 Education Act. Stalinist ban in Leeds LEEDS Trades Council has ap- banning proved regulation a l 'non-trade union' bodies from speaking at its meetings.

The regulation was proposed by the Communist Party- dominated executive and the decision to introduce it follows the visit to Leeds by members of the Young Socialist Right-to- Work campaign. Standing orders were sus- pended and one of the girl marchers was allowed to address the trades council and take a collection. Now the Stalinists have hit back against the gigantic success of the campaign and the YS by closing the trades council doors.

YOUNG

WE DEMAND TH

RIGHL

tO WORK

TON TO

SOUTHAM

LONDON 1972

WE DEMAND THE

RIGHT TO WORK

SWANSEA TO LONDON

YOUNG SOGIALISTS

WEDMAND THE

RIGN TO WORK

GLASGOITO LOND

12th ANNUAL CONFERENCE April 89 Grand Hall, The Spa W WORLD' Saturday night 8pm a star-studded show kets apply to John Simmance, National Secretary, High Street, London, SW4 7UG kets of the Scarborough Confereace.