Workers Press no. 796

workers press

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER

DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTR

BY OUR INDUSTRIAL CORRESPONDENT DAVID MAUDE

IN VICTORY mood, dockers all over the country yesterday voted to return to work from their solid strike against the threat to jail three London shop stewards. The mood is understandable. Many men clearly feel, as one of the threatened stewards, Bernard Steer, told a 1,000-strong meeting at Tower Hill, that they have 'driven the biggest loophole through the most pernici- ous piece of legislation in this country'.

In Liverpool, however, a warning note was sounded. Dennis Anderson, a member of the port stewards' executive, told about 6,000 dockers meeting in pouring rain: "The beat them, miners beat them, the railwaymen we've beaten them, but the Tories will not throw in the towel just like that? And there are signs that a strategy to come back at the dockers is already being assembled with the help of the union leadersbased on the well-worn splitting tactics developed during the struggle against the Devlin report.

General and The Transport Workers' Union has won the of official strike postponement action on the strength of a joint in cary with ho men ers, lus offer who men without work. Meanwhile talks going are towards the inquiry being con- London bid ahead in in to ducted by union secretary Jack settle the issue of who has the Jones and Lord Adlington of the right to work at Chobham Farm Port of London Authority.

and other container depots.

The has already committee If the T&GWU succeeds in said in a preliminary statement winning this for registered dock- that it hopes the inquiry it will the union can be expected ers, complete on July 26 should help foster the idea of further to provide 'a useful number of negotiated settlements in the additional jobs for dock work- port. ers' During the 1967 strike against Tust how useful this number Devlin, the it was consistent would be is highlv questionable of the

T&GWU

policy chiefs, of 20.000 Most the jobs lost assisted by leading stewards, to from the docks over the last split London from the northern seven years have gone forever. ports. In London, the container jobs And in 1972 it is surely sig- nificant that the jail threat was lifted from the London stewards learnt yesterday- after- -as we MEN at the Wingrove and consultation between the Official Rogers sit-in, Kirkby, are call- Solicitor and lawyers who had ing for more assistance from represented the

T&GWU.

(See the Liverpool district p. 3) commit- tee of the Amalgamated Union The best hope for the govern- of Engineering Workers. ment, the employers and the T&GWU chiefs would then be The men occupied the factory dockers' towards to turn attention the end of. April in INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • TUESDAY JUNE 20, 1972 • No. 796 • 4p DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

DOCKS

SPLIT

DANGER

claimed by the dockers total only about 500. Without mamonauzation workers control— demand shelved bv the national port stewards' committeethe unemployment problem in the only be scratched 01 Ports cal the surface. No employer is going to grart the kind of work- ing week posed by containen loss earnings. LIon WITh The Tory government could not allow it. See demand for recall of TUC p. la Sit-in workers seek more aid defence of the national engineer- ing pay claim. The factory manufactures fork lift trucks and mining equipment.

shop SDokesman

TOT

stewards told Workers Press that local had trade unionists collections on their behalf UD But warned there was ne No. 796 • 4p

HE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

THE BEA Trident which crashed on Sunday killing all 118 people on board 'entered the stalling regime' at a height of about 1,750 feet and a speed of 160 knots, the Commons was told yesterday. At this point the leading edge wing droop was raised, although this does not usually take place without a speed of 225-250 knots.

The Commons also heard the plane was off course at the time.

great danger that their struggle would become isolated, larly through the lack of interest shown by the district committee.

One suggestion being put for- ward is that a district-wide levy be introduced to give relief to the men, many of whom are now almost broke. Bernie Steer speaking at yester- day's Tower Hill, London, meet- ing.

11 DAYS TO

GO - JUNE

FUND £483.78

WE'RE getting very close to the end of the month with less than hail our target collected for our June Fund. The question is -will we do it? Every month since the start of the Workers Press, you, our readers, have never let us down.

In fact you have raised magnifi- cent amounts-well over our tar- get figure. We are sure that once again you will pull the position around.

The political situation makes it more necessary than ever.

Let's all go into action today.

Raise donations everywhere. Add something extra yourself if you can. Collect as much as possible and post immediately to: Workers Press June Appeal Fund, 186a Clapham Hgh Street, London, SW4 7UG.

STARTING

TODAY P.4

A series of four articles • on how the British working class built their unions as power- houses of struggle-then built the Labour Party after coming under challenge in the courts.

Peter Jeffries traces the his- tory from the formation of the First International in 1860 to the Taff Vale judgement of 1901. TUESDAY: 'A turning-point of history'. WEDNESDAY: Karl Marx and the politics of the British work- ing class' THURSDAY: 'Politics and the New Unionism' FRIDAY: 'The background to Taff Vale'. Order your copies now so you can follow each article in this important and fascinating series. Tel: 01-622 7029

ALSO STARTING TODAY

Jack Gale reviews Robert Kee's recently published book The Green Flag' and takes up some of the important events in the history of Ireland.

workers press

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER

DAILY ORGAN OF THE CENTR

BY OUR INDUSTRIAL CORRESPONDENT DAVID MAUDE

IN VICTORY mood, dockers all over the country yesterday voted to return to work from their solid strike against the threat to jail three London • shop stewards. The mood is understandable. Many men clearly feel, as one of the threatened stewards, Bernard Steer, told a 1,000-strong meeting at Tower Hill, that they have 'driven the biggest loophole through the most pernici- ous piece of legislation in this country.

In Liverpool, however, a warning note was sounded. Dennis Anderson, a member of the port stewards' executive, told about 6,000 dockers meeting in pouring rain: "The beat them, miners beat them, the railwaymen we've beaten them, but the Tories will not throw in the towel just like that.' And there are signs that a strategy to come back at the dockers is already being assembled with the help of the union leaders-based on the well-worn splitting tactics developed during the struggle the Devlin report. against General The Transport and Workers' Union has won the official strike postponement of action on the strength of a joint inquiry with the employers, plus cash offer who to men are without work. Meanwhile talks going are towards the inquiry being con- London ahead in in a bid to ducted by union secretary Tack settle the issue of who has the Jones and Lord Adlington of the right to work at Chobham Farm Port of London Authority.

and other container depots. The has committee already If the T&GWU succeeds in said a preliminary in statement winning this for registered dock- that it hopes the inquiry it will the union can be expected ers, complete on July 26 should help foster the idea of further to provide 'a useful number of negotiated settlements in the additional jobs for dock work- port. ers'. During the 1967 strike against Just how useful this number Nevlin, it was the consistent would be is highly 220,00gu estios lost of the

T&GWU

policy chiefs, Most of the jobs lost assisted by leading stewards, to from the docks over the last split London from the northern seven have gone forever. ports. In London, the container jobs And in 1972 it is surely sig- nificant that the jail threat was the London stewards lifted from after- -as we learnt yesterday-

MEN

the Wingrove and at consultation between the Official Rogers sit-in, Kirkby, are call- Solicitor and lawyers who had ing for more assistance from represented the

T&GWU.

(See the Liverpool district p. 3) commit- tee of the Amalgamated Union The best hope for the govern- of Engineering Workers. ment, the employers and the

T&GWU

chiefs would then be The men occupied the factory dockers' towards end, af. April to attention the in turn •

VSLETTER • TUESDAY JUNE 20, 1972

CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE

claimed by the dockers total only about 500. Without nationalization under workers' control-a demand shelved by the national port stewards' committee-the unemployment problem in the ports can only be scratched on • the surface. No employer is going to grart the kind of drastically-cut work- ing week posed by containerizit- tion with no loss of earnings.

The Tory government could not allow it. See demand for recall of TUC 12 p. defence of the national engineer- ing pay claim. The factory manufactures fork lift trucks and mining equipment.

A spokesman for the shop stewards told Workers Press that local trade unionists had taken up collections on their behalf.

But he warned there was a • 4p • No. 796

HE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE

THE BEA Trident which crashed on Sunday killing all 118 people on board 'entered the stalling regime' at a height of about 1,750 feet and a speed of 160 knots, the Commons was told yesterday. At this point the leading edge wing droop was raised, although this does not usually take place without a speed of 225-250 knots.

The Commons also heard the plane was off course at the time.

great danger that their struggle would become isolated, particu- larly through the lack of interest shown by the district committee.

One suggestion being put for- ward is that a district-wide levy be introduced to give relief to the men, many of whom are now almost broke. Bernie Steer speaking at yester- day's Tower Hill, London, meet- ing.

11 DAYS TO

GO - JUNE

FUND £483.78

WE'RE getting very close to the end of the month with less than haif our target collected for our June Fund. The question is-will we do it? Every month since the start of the Workers Press, you, our readers, have never let us down.

In fact you have raised magnifi- cent amounts-well over our tar- get figure. sure that once again We are you will pull the position around.

The political situation makes it more necessary than ever.

Let's all go into action today.

Raise donations everywhere. Add something extra yourself if you can. Collect as much as possible and post immediately to: Workers Press June Appeal Fund, 186a Clapham Hgh Street, London, SW4 7UG.

STARTING

A series of four articles on how the British working class built their unions as power- houses of strugglethen built the Labour Party after coming under challenge in the courts.

Peter Jeffries traces the his- tory from the formation of the First International In 1860 to the Taff Vale judgement of 1901. TUESDAY: 'A turning-point of history. WEDNESDAY: 'Karl Marx and the politics of the British work- ing class' THURSDAY: 'Politics and the New Unionism'. FRIDAY: 'The background to Taff Vale'. Order your copies now so you can follow each article in this important and fascinating series. Tel: 01-622 7029

ALSO STARTING TODAY

Jack Gale reviews Robert Kee's recently published book 'The Green Flag' and takes up some of the important events in the history of Ireland.

Washington, Moscow and Peking in secret diplomacy Pincer politics squeeze Hanoi

THE BLIND ALLEY OF REPUBLICANISM

PAGE 2 Workers Press, Tuesday June 20

THE

VIETNAMESE

revolution is being threatened by a diplo- matic pincer movement. from Washington, Mos- cow and Peking. The decision to resume the Paris peace talks, announced on his return from Hanoi by President Nikolai Podgorny, is being taken as an indication that the North Vietnamese willing to undertake are 'meaningful negotiations'.

The Nixon administration flounced out of the talks on May 4 saying they would not return until the North Vietnamese and the NLF agreed to such talks.

But 'meaningful negotiations' means talking American on terms. As Prince Sihanouk of the Cambodian liberation movement put it in Peking recently, it means the partition of South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia and the preparation of the third Indo-China war. Instead of aiding in every way IF RADICAL talk and revolu- tionary posturing could win wars, then there seems little doubt that the Official IRA would have swept the British army out of Ulster before you could say Sinn Fein. And if Wolfe Tone could speak from his grave, there is even less doubt that he would de- nounce these same leaders of the Gardiner Place faction as bunch of unprincipled Republican charlatans, using his revered name to cover up their shameful capitulation to the heirs of the regime against which the United Irishmen fought so heroically. Whatever mistakes Wolfe Tone made and whatever political vices he may have had, un- principled compromise and equivocation certainly were not included among them. But this can hardly be said of Sean Garland's commemoration speech at Bodenstown on Sun- day. Garland is no ordinary bog-trotting Republican. He prides himself on being some kind of a 'Marxist', represent- ative of the extreme socialist of Republicanism and wing articulating the demands of Irish workers. represent the claims to He tradition of Connolly and Wolfe Tone. He is a member of the Ard Comhairle of Sinn Fein. His speech therefore merits close scrutiny and sharp comment-because his dema- gogy helps to conceal the plans of the Republican petty bour- geoisie to betray the working class not only to Whitelaw but also to Lynch-for a price.

He called for the creation of an all-Irish revolutionary party embracing Protestant and Catholic workers. Such a party could be a fine and commendable idea if it were informed by a programme and leadership which uncompromis- ingly expressed the historical interests of the Irish working class. This, however, is sadly lacking у Лип 20, 1972

BY JOHN SPE

the military overthrow of the US imperialists and their puppets in Saigon, the Soviet leaders are pursuing of 'peaceful the aim co-existence' with Nixon at the expense of the Vietnamese.

Hanoi, On his return from Podgorny told reporters in Cal- cutta: 'The Soviet Union will do everything op Possible for a de-escalation the Vietnam war.' Kremlin mouthpiece Victor 'Evening News' Louis of the wrote last Friday that Podgorny was seeking a ceasefire on fronts 'so that new negotiations can get under way'. The Kremlin appears to have accepted at its face value Nixon's assurance that the US is eager to get out of Vietnam completely.

This assurance is not worth as the Soviet Stalinists light, must be well aware. In tact, US aid to the Saigon puppets is being stepped up or the 'Vietnamization' principle: 'You supply the blood, we put up the money! In addition the US navy and air force are active in the tradition, programme and composition of the Sinn rein — Official IRA. By pro.

claiming a unilateral 'truce' by participating in the 'talks' fraud of Whitelaw and by to prepare the Irish failing Catholic workers for the trap of direct rule, the Officials have betrayed their revolu- tionary pretensions and de- serted their supporters. Moreover the bureaucratic mili- tary set-up of the IRA, which has more in common with the ecumenical council than with revolutionary organization, effectively precludes the selec- tion of a revolutionary leader- ship or a change of strategy.

Sean Garland is not a represent- ative of a democratically- elected leadership subject to recall, but a self-perpetuating clique of army council nation- alists. Democratic centralism is totally alien to these people.

In this way and through the unique IRA constitution the domination of the petty- bourgeoisie is assured over any critical and working-class elements. Far from being revolutionary, the programme and ideology Mr Garland notwithstanding— is reformist and petty-bourgeois the interests and expresses (and the political backward- ness) of the shopkeeper and small farmer, the student and unorganized backward worker whose head is full of national and religious pre- judices. This reformism was cogently expressed by Garland in an article in the May 1971 issue of the United Irishman': "The central point of any revolu- tion and particularly in a socialist revolution, is that the key positions in the state, in government, army, police, civil service, judiciary, unions, any national TV, radio and press should pass out of the hands of those who are loyal to the Establishment and into the hands of those who represent

HN SPENCER

as never before in Vietnam.

Soviet 'good offices' in . Viet- nam are the price for Nixon's agreement to a European Security Conference, increased trade with the USSR and strategic arms limitation. It. is now clear that Nixon's decision to blockade North Viet- namese ports and step the up bombardment of supply lines was not a desperate gamble. It had the tacit approval of the Moscow leaders, as the summit meeting with Nixon demonstrated conclusively. Far from making the Kremlin's task more difficult, the blockade has considerably eased Moscow's treacherous role. It has un- doubtedly slowed down the pace of the offensive in the South at the same time as the bombing raids lives. threaten the millions in the North. Moscow's task has also been eased by the Chinese Stalinists' refusal to allow Soviet vessels to birth in Chinese ports. This decision has given further a twist to the tourniquet around the vast majority of the people... This extract denotes an appalling ignorance-or worse stilla conscious perversion of the revolutionary doctrines of Marx and Lenin on the state.

Contrary to Garland the central point of a revolution is the smashing of the capitalist state and the creation of power qualitatively new organs of power embodying the dictator- ship of the working class over capitalist expropriated class. In socialist revolution there a will be no 'passing out of key positions'. Neither in the Paris Commune nor in the Ocrobe: Revolution did the revolu ion- aries reallocate jobs. Instead they smashed the institutions of bourgeoisie rule and re- placed them with Soviets, or communes. Garland's conception, despite incidental references to wor- kers' committees, etc., is a thoroughly bureaucratic con- ception which expresses clearly the petty-bourgeois hatred of the workers and its mental and economic dependence on the big bourgeoisie. To lead a socialist revolution, working class needs the a professional revolu- party of tionaries guided by a scientific — dialectical - materialist — theory of socialism and based on the organizational principle of democratic centralism.

It is characteristic of Garland that in his compass of writ- ings on Ireland his rejection of a scientific theory of know- ledge is exceeded only by his contempt for democratic centralism. It is no accident therefore that his speech should demand that a revolutionary party be based on the Republican movement and not on Marxism and the working class. This of promiscuous mixing Republicanism and socialism is throughly reactionary and is responsible for the decline the life-line of the liberation struggle. Peking is now acting as host to the sinister Dr Henry Kis- singer, Nixon's playboy adviser, for the ostensible purpose of 'concrete consultations ... to nationalization further the of relations' between China and the US. But there is no doubt that here too the key to 'normaliza- tion' on the battlefields of 1S Vietnam. The pursuit of their own bureaucratic ends by the Moscow and Peking Stalinists is the biggest threat to the victory of the Vietnamese revolution.

President Thieu of Saigon claimed yesterday that the libera- tion forces were defeated and announced that all territory lost to the communists would be regained in three months.

This statement is quite absurd given the failure of Thieu's armies to win a single decisive battle in the whole offensive.

The danger to the Vietnamese revolution does not lie on the battlefield, where • the liberation forces have proved time and again their overwhelming superiority.

It lies behind the smokescreen of secret diplomacy in the treachery of the Stalinist, bureaucracy.

and impotency of the Officials.

Moreover it is a trap for the working class. It is the product of an eclectic philosophy which tries to com- bine the methods of the epoch of the bourgeois revolution with the antithetical methods of the socialist revolution. The predictable result of this Official alchemy is political bankruptcy and betrayal. So it was in 1922—so it is today.

Mr Garland correctly condemns the blind terror of the Pro- visionals which is counter- productive and that says violence is only sanctioned when all other means of achieving democratic change have failed. He even states that Republicans had been seriously in error when they thought they could achieve their objects by force without the backing of the majority of the Irish people.

But this recognition does not arise from a serious theoretical analysis of and reflection on the experiences of the move- Garland wrote in ment. As May 1971: *It was only when we were beaten to the wall and almost annihilated as a political force that the meaning of true revolution began to dawn on uS.' Because of this empiricist and ed. subjective reaction-devoid of any theory-the 'true meaning revolution' of was never grasped by Garland or anyone else in the Republican leader- ship. Now the wheel has turned full circle and yesterday's terrorists today's have become con- stitutional allies of Whitelaw.

In this sense Wolfe Tone's com- memoration has served an important It has purpose. shown that Republicanism is bankrupt and an ideological infinitely and, fetter more that there is no important, for Marxist revolu- substitute tionary leadefship in Ireland or anywhere else. THE GREEK military regime has welcomed the reshuffled Cypriot cabinet as a step to- wards restoration of 'national unity' in the island. Athens deputy foreign minister Christian Xanthopoulos Palamas at his weekly press conference satisfaction with the expressed changes, which mark a consider- able shift to the right. 'We hope this will be the starting point for the restoration national unity in the island and the normalization of relations between Nicosia and Athens— the national centre,' he said.

a major The reshuffle is con- cession by Archbishop Makarios.

In January the colonels' regime demanded the formation of a cabinet. Makarios said new yesterday his government would seek to restore harmonious re- with co-operation lations and Greece. AKEL, the Cyprus Communist Party, has backed the Archbishop to the colonels' to stand up demands. But it is now clear that Makarios has simply been play- ing for time and opening the right-wing for way more regime. The Greek regime's demands are a major threat to the highly- organized Cypriot working class.

The military rulers' aim is to crush their independence and bring them under the same dictatorship as the workers of mainland Greece.

ITALY'S

premier-designate Giulio Andreotti, has begun formulating a tentative pro- gramme for a new right-wing coalition government. Andreotti, a Christian Demo- is still talks with other crat, political leaders on the final character of the new coalition, but it is now virtually certain to exclude the Socialist Party and bring in the right-wing Republi- cans. Italy has been without a stable coalition since January, despite a General Election six weeks ago. The country is in the throes economic crisis, falrine investment and profits, with rapid growth of unemployment and no prospect of foreseeable improvement. Andreotti's recent statements have made it clear that he intends to take a tough line with mili- tants in the factories and with left-wing organizations generally.

Big business is getting ready for another round of wage battles with the workers in the autumn and some of the smaller business- men are looking with interest towards the growing fascist party, the Italian Social Movement.

Whatever finally emerges from the parliamentary lobbying of the last months will be a govern- ment of crisis. The twin planks of such a government will be anti-union measures and 'law and order'. YUGOSLAV president Tito arrived in Warsaw yesterday for talks with Polish Stalinist leaders on trade, technical co-operation and European security. The trip closely follows his visit to the Soviet Union 11 days ago. Relations between Tito and the new Polish Communist Party chief Edward Gierek are much improved by their joint efforts to foster a European Security Conference. The Polish Stalinists are also believed to be interested in Yugoslav experience of attracting foreign capital and trade with the West.

BY ALEX MITCHELL

THE OFFICIAL Solicitor de behalf of three dockers threa had consulted lawyers for the Workers' Union. Lord Denning, Master of the Rolls, made this revelation in the Court of Appeal yesterday.

Denning made the unpre- cedented statement yesterday 'in view of speculation which has been going on in some quarters as to how the application came to be made to us on Friday after- noon. 'I would like to say exactly what happened,' Denning said in almost confessional terms.

The story he related to court is one of incredible coincidences.

If it had not come from a man as eminent as Denning-he con- ducted the Tory government's investigation into the Profumo case—one's credibility would be tested in accepting it. His account goes like this: 'On Thursday about midday, the Official Solicitor was invited by the secretary of the NIRC to appear at a hearing in that court which was to be held today and to instruct counsel as amicus curiae (friend of the court) to assist that court in dealing with the contempt aspects of the case.

"The Official Solicitor at once rétained Mr Robert Alexander, counsel. In the evening the Offi- cial Solicitor received the papers and sent a copy to counsel. Both considered the papers overnight, ready for a conference in the morning. This was held. • Each was independently of the opinion that there were grounds for thinking the orders had not been properly made in the light of the evidence before the court.

It was decided to attend on the Monday morning in any case, but both considered that it might well be proper to make an immediate application • to the Court of Appeal in the afternoon. Meanwhile that morning, Mr Peter Pain, QC, and Mr Ian Hun- ter, who had each been involved in the litigation arising out of the container dispute, had kept them- selves informed of the develop- ments. They had no instructions from anyone in the matter, but they felt that as the freedom of the individual was at stake as well as the national interest, someone ought to bring the mat- ter before the Court of Appeal at the earliest possible moment.

'They therefore asked to see me personally in chambers to inquire as to what would be the to take. They proper course wondered if they could come before the court as amicus curiae.

Mr Pain and Mr Hunter came to see me at a few minutes before 2 p.m. My colleagues-Lord Justice Buckley and Lord Justice Roskill-joined me at once.

citor decided to intervene on s threatened with jail after he for the Transport and General Lord Denning 'We felt it was a case in which the court might invite the assis- tance of the Official Solicitor, and we asked him to come. The Official Solicitor then told us of the steps he had already taken, including the advice he had received from Mr Alexander.

'We then invited the Official Solicitor to discuss the matter with Mr Pain and Mr Hunter in order that each might have the benefit of the other's advice, and for the Official Solicitor to then take such steps as he thought proper.' What happened then is history.

At 3 p.m. Denning and his fellow judges and by 5.30 they sat quashed the contempt charges against the London docks lead- ers—Vic Turner, Bernie Steer and Alan Williams. The extraordinary statement will only heighten workers' hos- tility to the workings of the law in relation to their struggles.

It reveals an immense degree of backroom manoeuvring which will give trade unionists a new insight into how the judiciary operates. There will also be deep cynicism about the statesmanlike motives Messre Pain and Hunter. There are bound to be questions raised as to whether they went to see Denning on their own behalf or as emissaries of the Transport and General Workers' leadership. Since Union the T&GWU decided to accept the NIRC, Pain and Hunter have presented all the transport union's briefs. Many people will wonder how two legal minions like Pain and Hunter could so readily get an interview at such short notice with powerful judges as Denning and Roskill. In other words, Denning's statement begs as many questions as it seeks to answer.

OFFICIAL

GOMB DISPOSAL

SOLICITOR

BY STEPHEN JOHNS

THE MASSIVE Vick Barrow in Furness re-o after two weeks of clo pute involving 1,200 cra : This follows agreement reached on Friday between man- car agement and local union leaders which solved the two-month boilermakers' strike at the yard. The men have won a ma £1.75 increase, a further El-a-week good time- keeping money and £1.25 for more flex- ibility within their trade. Bob Proudfoot, boil- ermakers' district dele- gate, said the vote to go back was carried by a 60 to 40 majority. 'We are going back to work with our heads held high. We said we would not go back for less than £3.75 and we are going back with £4 and some back pay- ments,' he said. The original claim, however, was for a 'no- strings' increase. Under the latest deal the boilermakers will lose 60p if they turn up for late work 15 minutes once a week and the whole £1 bonus if this happens twice. In addition they have agreed to extend flex- ibility within the boiler- making trades. Accord- ing to a company this goes spokesman 'almost all the way to complete flexibility. and ship- Platers wrights, for example, will be expected to do their own welding and Workers Press, Tuesday June 20, 1972 PAGE 3

CAV

London, seems determined to restrict the Acton, joint fight to the Acton plant. He told shop stewards committee has the shop meeting: stewards been given mandate for a 'Acton will do its own engineers' business fight the pay on irrespective of anything done by claim. the other Lucas-owned factories.' On June 13 the committee met In March Paxman, however, and rejected the management's writing about the miners' strike, of had to be fol- general action опет £1.50 from July 3, a further 75p all workers. lowed by December and 75p The Acton workers have been a second in July 1973. offered deal precisely Ine Departmental the Lucas factories. meetings as made to other same day threw out the 18-month Now the North London district of the

AUEW

package deal and committee the f6, 30-hour week, equal pay said it will back action by the and more holidays demands.

Acton workers if negotiations Yet leadership fail. the right-wing Stewards opposed to the right- in the factory undeterred by the mandate from shop floor wing leadership on the commit- then went on a joint prod-tion tees are fighting to extend the consultative visit and conditions struggle. pay the

CAV

factory Sudbury, One shop has already passed a at Suffolk, where they had drinks motion calling on the joint shop stewards' and lunch with committee to fight for Manage- the full claim on a CAV-Lucas ment. AUEW convenor John Paxman combine basis. E Vickers shipyard at ess re-opened yesterday s of closure over a dis- ,200 craftsmen. burning from trades who traditionally of carry out this kind work immedi- nOL ately available. Another important concession which the firm to bring labour onto the massive Vickers SITe under sub-contract. Workers have been resisting this move tor some time and manage. ment see this agreement as a break-through. But thev noint out that un.

CEOTODI

employed boilermakers the town will have the first option on this work. Limited flexibility has been in operation within the boilermakers at The Barrow since 1966. this irm now says has been extended and clarified. 'In the past it was not the agreement that was difficult to but its practical operation the yard. We feel this The Vickers yards dominate almost every scene in obstacle is overcome the town the new agreement be- cause it defines specific- ally we force a good time-keep- to this step. One of the what want achieve.' the spokesman deal on them. concessions the boiler- see the said. Management makers did not make in Militant trade union- deal as a first tentative the current deal was a in Barrow, their how- towards aim request by management step ever, are critical of the of introducing complete to allow other trades agreement. flexibility between all do their drilling work if "The deal good trades in the yards and on necessary. time-keeping the The two-month strike is terrible lengthening work- considering the ing week in preparation caused the first-ever money offered." yard's told for the in the one me entry into lock-out Common Market. yesterday. history— unemploy- Workers in other So far workers and in Barrow Ment rocketed temporarily to trades now fear that the local trade union leaders firm 30 per cent as a result. will be able to remain totally opposed

NOW OPEN

Mon, Tues, Wed, Fri 9 a.m.-6 p.m. Thurs 9 a.m.-7.30 p.m. Sat 9 a.m.-5 p.m.

BOOKS • PERIODICALS • NEWSPAPERS

PAGE 4 Workers Press, Tuesday June 2 In this four part series Peter J of the British labour movemer the First International in 1860 ment of 1901. He examines h class built the unions as por and then built the Labour P challenge in the courts.

PART ONE

It is becoming clearer every day that the class struggle in Britain has now reached an historic- turning decisive of the Tory Industrial Re- lations Court has brought to an end a period of over 150 years in which the trade unions have oper- ated independently of the capitalist state as organs of struggle for the work- ing class. It is also equally clear that the reformists and Stalinists who dominate the British labour movement are utterly incapable of defending the unions. Their policies-in particular their refusal to fight to force the Tories out of with office and replace them a Labour government pledged socialist programme to a directly assist the monopolists in their plans to destroy independent trade unionism.

A study of the history of the British working class now becomes a vital task for the revolutionary party. Every of the member Socialist Labour League the Young Socialists and readers of the Workers Press must embark on this task. But it is a study which can only be made from the standpoint of today's tasks.

It is not an academic, but a revolutionary task. Why must this be so? Simply because it is possible to under- stand the past from the point of its highest development, the present. In his notes on the Method of Political Economy, written in preparation for 'Capital'. Marx made the following observation: 'The anatomy of the human being is the key to the anatomy of the ape.' (See Marx's 'Grundrisse'. edited D. McLellan, p. 39.) But it was a remark which provides the clue to the understanding not merely of political economy, but of all phenomena, for it an expression of Marx's dialectical method. For Marx, the 'present' and the 'past' were opposites, or more strictly speaking, a unity of opposites. Historical change involves the negation of the present, which is concrete, into the past, which is abstract.

Marx explains what he means by 'concrete' when he writes (ibid, p. 34.): "The concrete is concrete because it is a combination of many determinants, that is a unity of diverse elements. In our thoughts it therefore lay June 20, 1972 Peter Jeffries traces the history lovement from the formation of in 1860 to the Taff Vale judge.

mines how the British working as powerhouses of struggle- bour Party after coming under of appears as process synthesis, as a result, and not as a starting point and, there- fore, also the starting point of observation and conception.'

In other words, we cannot study history in the manner which the academics assume- merely as it has 'evolved'. Our investigations into the past start from the struggle must to bring the concrete present into living unity with the abstract past. In other words, the study of history constitutes anever- ending struggle which can only pass through the revolutionary partv. This conception lies at the heart of the of method 'Capital'. It would have been quite wrong, said Marx when writing this work, to have with the dealt economic _categories simply in the order in which they evolved. 'For instance, nothing seems more natural than to start with rent, with landed property, since it is bound up with land, the source of all production and all existence, and with the first forms of production in all more or less settled communities, viz agri- culture. But nothing would be more erroneous. 'Under all forms of society there is a certain industry which predominates over all the rest and whose conditions therefore determine the rank and influence of all the rest.

It is the light with which all tinged and other colours are by whose peculiarity they are It is the special modified. which determines ether the specific gravity of everything that appears in it... [The order of sequence of the categories of political economy] is rather determined by the relations which they bear to one another in modern bourgeois society, and which is the exact opposite of what seems to be their natural order or the order of their historical development. What we are interested in is not the place economic which relations occupy in the historical succession of different forms of society. We are in their organic interested within connection modern bourgeois society! (ibid pp. 40- 42) From this we can see that only those who start from the reat dangers of the present who understand the historical significance Tory of the declaration of war against the unions, can really grasp the significance of Taff Vale and the fight which followed to establish independent an Labour Party. Why is it that not one of our growing band of Labour historians-many like Thompson, Saville and Royden Harrison, trained in the method of Stalinism-has been able to utter a single word of warning about real Industrial Relations Court? Because for them, the revolu- tionary content of the British working class's history has always been ignored or even suppressed. To return briefly to the structure of 'Capital. If we examine the first volume, we see the following. Marx in the opening four chapters (pp 35- 156 in the Foreign Languages Publishing House edition) traces the connection between 'commodity' and 'capital', via 'money'. Having completed this task, he then is able to show that capital is not "thing' but a definite social relation. As such it is able to surplus labour (in the extract form of relative and absolute surplus value) from the work- ing class. Only then (in part VIII, pp 713-774) does he deal with the the historical evolution of capitalist system, through the process of 'primitive accumu- lation'. For Marx can only understand the past (the 'ape") from the standpoint of the present ('man'). So all those commentators who have so often told us that "Capital' ought to be read in a different order from the one in which it is set down by Marx are completely wrong. They want us to read the historical sections before the 'difficult' opening more sections. But in understanding origins of the the historical capitalist mode of production from the standpoint of its full was able development, Marx to point to the basis for its overthrow. While for the classical economists, such as Ricardo, the capitalist system seemed natural and inevitable, for it was merely Marx one, transient, form of social pro- duction. How is the continuity of the present with the past estab- lished? This continuity resides in practice-in the objective struggle by man against nature and the mediation of this struggle in the form of the relations between classes. It is the task of Marxists, start- ing from the present tasks of the working class, to discover , taken by the peculiar forms this struggle in each country.

For petty-bourgeois" the revisionists, the British work- has always ing class been 'backward' and 'non-revolu- tionary, tied for many decades reformist trade union to leaders and a reformist Labour Party. Such idealists constantly look across the Channel to the 'revolutionary' French more and Italian working classes.

For Marxists, these features have never constituted 'weak- nesses' in the abstract. They have always had another side, an opposite, which must now be increasingly thrust to the forefront. This is so because these past forms of activity, which went along with certain forms of thinking, are now the objec- incompatible with tive relations of classes in Britain today. Throughout his activity in the British working class move- ment, Marx always recognized that this was the case; indeed Marxism has only developed in continual conflict with the trade union consciousness of the British workirg class.

This is why only the Socialist Labour League can call for a campaign to force the Tories out of office and replace them with a Labour government. This is not merely a propaganda demand; the his- tory of the British working it to go • class now requires through the form of another Labour government, however short-lived, as the only way in which it can break from social democracy and reformism. It is for this reason that the revisionists actively and tena- ciously oppose such demands - because they desperately wish to see the working class tied to these traitors. For the revolutionary party, it is not merely a matter of raising the demand for a Labour govern- ment, but of warning the most advanced workers of the revo- lutionary implications of such a government. In other words, these forms of activity which have charac- terized the history of the British working class cannot be "jumped over', as the impatient petty bourgeois be imagines. They can defeated, 'overcome', only in against them. Hence struggle the fight for a Labour govern- ment, pledged to a socialist programme, is the fight against the reformists and revisionists.

Here the analogy with the method of 'Capital' is exact.

No academic can explain why Marx wrestled over such a long period with the problem of the form of value (see 'Capital' I, pp. 47-69). These passages were drafted and re-drafted many times by Marx in collaboration with others between Engels and 1859 and 1872. Why was this?

Because, for Marx, these forms in which the value relation appeared were the means and only means in which the social relations of capitalism could be understood. They were not 'illusions' which could be swept away in the head, to what 'really' lay uncover beneath them. at each Marx shows that stage the form of value (at first or 'elementary') 'accidental' comes into conflict with the development of the produc- tive forces and develops dialec- tically into a new, higher, form, leading eventually to the money form, which provides the basis for the emergence of capital as the dominant form of social relation in modern society. The example of the English Civil War is a vital period of study for the revolutionary today. Many so-called party 'Marxists' have imagined that their task consisted in showing that the religious struggles of 17th century England can be 'reduced to' 'explained in or terms of more 'basic econo- conflicts. mic But such a method has nothing to do with Marxism. It represents the method of the academic con- templator. First we have to show why the Civil War appeared as a religious struggle, concerned with matters of theology, reli- gious rights and duties. This was connected with the early stage in which this revolution occurred, the relatively un- developed nature of the eco- nomy, science and materialist philosophy. It was only at a later stage, that Reason, draw- ing its strength from the philo- sophy of Locke and Hobbes, The notion of 'Reason' drew its strength from the philosophy of Locke (above) and Hobbes.

became the form in which the social conflicts of the French Revolution were fought out.

So for us, the question of Puritanism, and the many divisions which were contained within it, is of vital concern, just as the form of value was of vital concern for Marx. For we have to see how these reli- gious forms of thought were . and became, in the negated 18th and 19th centuries part of the experience of the early working-class movement. Only by understanding Puritanısm— with its general conception that one could communicate directly, as an individual, with God, without the need for bishops or priests-can we understand the problems of individualism in i the British working-class movement. The early struggles for the right of workers to represen- tation in parliament - which started around the 1760s and in this sense came before the establishment of permanent trade unions - were directly inspired by the Dissenting Tradition and its later develop- ment in the form of Method- ism and the Wesleyan move- ment. Hence the great import- ance of Tom Paine's 'Rights of Man' in the life of the British working-class move- ment right down to the middle of the 19th century and beyond. To take a final example to stress the importance of a correct, that is revolutionary, starting point, in the study of historical processes. A considerable amount has been written, particularly by the Stalinists, about the role of the labour aristocracy in Britain. They have tried to show that the development of a reformist bureaucracy Britain grew out of this privi- leged layer of workers which made possible by the was dominant position of British capital in the 19th century.

Considerable work has been carried out, notably by the Stalinist Eric Hobsbawm, to discover the composition of aristocracy and this the changes which it underwent in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Again such a method is completely at variance with Marxism. Certainly it is true, as Lenin saw above all, that the reformist leaders of the working class had real material basis in this labour aristocracy. But Lenin also shows (in Imperialism') that im- with the arrival of the perialist stage of capitalism, this bureaucracy no longer rests on sections of the work- ing class, as on the support it receives from which capitalist state. Again, crucial political lessons for today are involved in this method. For all the developments in the class struggle are now showing that as material conditions in the: working class deteriorate, the reformists, far from disappear- ing, or being 'pushed to the left' (as Hobsbawm's method would lead us to think), are being increasingly pushed to the right, closer to the mono- polists and the capitalist state.

In other words, we cannot understand this bureaucracy merely in connection with trends within the working class, but only from the stand- point of the overall relation- ship of classes to the state in a period of capitalist decline and disintegration. Because, for Marxists, his- torical investigations are part of their revolutionary work; they can never be 'finished'.

Because the class struggle is never ending, continually going through old and new forms, the struggle to grasp the living and concrete present as an opposite to the dead and abstract past is never ceasing.

In periods of rapid change, particularly, it is necessary to rework all the historical lessons of the past so that they can be made a real weapon in the present decisive struggles of the working class.

CONTINUED TOMORROW

KREMLIN BUREAUCRAT

SACKED AS NIXON ARRIVED

BY JOHN SPENCER

The fall from grace of Pyotr Shelest, fired on May 25 from the post of First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, is being de- scribed in the capitalist as 'the biggest press shake-up since Khrush- cher's fall'. Alain Jacob, Moscow cor- respondent of the French newspaper 'Le Monde' has described Shelest's demotion and the subsequent leader- ship changes as a change in personnel of the first im- portance, the most consider- able and politically significant that has happened inside the Soviet regime for many years'.

Shelest was undoubtedly a very important bureaucrat— he had held the post of First Secretary in the Ukraine for nine years and is even now still a member of the Polit- buro, though his importance must be much diminished in his new post as a Deputy Prime Minister in Moscow.

Shelest is no 'liberal'-he was one of the most out- spoken supporters of the in- vasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. His differences with the Brezhnev leadership are symptoms of tension within the bureaucracy-not of oppo- sition to Stalinism. The Brezhnev leadership is said to have been at logger- heads with Shelest for some time before finally removing him from his Ukrainian fief- dom. Some of the differences appear to have centred on foreign policy questions: there are indications of a disagree- ment with the leadership in articles Shelest wrote as long as a year ago. also seems likely that Shelest's conduct the Ukraine was not entirely to Moscow's liking. Jacob says he• "showed unquestionable tendencies to behave like a baron in his own stronghold' —a charge the central bureau- cracy frequently levels against its opponents in the provinces.

Brezhnev moved against the Ukrainian leader on May 19, just three days before Nixon's arrival for the Moscow summit talks. The reshuffle involving his demotion appears to have been finally decided at the plenary meeting of the Soviet CP Central Committee on that date. There have been reports in the western press that Shelest took issue at the plenary meet- ing with the decision to invite President Nixon to . Moscow regardless of the bombardment of Vietnam. Whether or not there was a confrontation at the plenary committee, central 'Pravda' published a decree two days later naming the Ukrainian party chief to one of the nine deputy premierships. On May 25, the Ukrainian Committee re- appointed Brezhnev's close protégé Ivan Scherbitsky as First Secretary in his place.

Shelest's removal is un- doubtedly a victory for Brezh- nev, who has been able to place one of his firmest sup- porters at the head of the Ukraine CP. As a result of the conflict, Brezhnev has also received the 'entire approval' of the Top: the Nixon-Brezhnev talks. Above l Trotskylst, Ponomaryov. Above right: del who is reported to have opposed the Nix Soviet Central Committee for his foreign policy. In particu- lar this means endorsement of the attempts to reach a de- tente in Europe through a security conference European and form closer ties with the US leaders. Other bureaucrats are fall- ing over themselves to sing Brezhnev's praises in words which indicate their anxiety to retain their own posts. Byelo- russian party secretary Masherov spoke recently of he 'the role and veritably eminent . Above left: rising bureaucrat and anti- right: deposed Ukrainian leader Shelest, ed the Nixon visit. merits of comrade Brezhnev', language more reminiscent of the 'cult of personality' than of the 'collective leadership'.

An index of the character within the of the changes bureaucracy is the simultane- ous rise of Boris Ponomaryov, a secretary to the Central Committee, who has now been nominated an alternate mem- ber of the politburo. At the end of last year Ponomaryov wrote a series of articles denouncing the growth of Trotskyism, particularly Workers Preas, 1 among the youth. The article was extensively extracted in Soviet publications for British including "Soviet readers, News' and 'Soviet Weekly'.

Ponomaryov also played a walk-on part during the communists in massacres the Sudan last July. He was in Cairo throughout the after- math of the abortive left-wing coup, while Jafaar Numeiry, was slaughtering the leaders of the Sudan CP. Jacob describes him as showing 'a remarkable facility • for adaptation to the changes of the regime and a good dose of cynicism in foreign affairs'.

The latter is certainly a de- sirable attribute for anyone involved implementing Brezhnev's counter-revolution- ary policy. Foreign policy questions were only one side of the dis- agreements, if capitalist press reports are to be believed.

The Ukraine is undergoing a resurgence of rationalist feel- ing like many other Soviet re- publics, and it is a resurgence that eloquently reflects the crisis of the bureaucratic regime. r8 Prees, Tuesday June 20, 1972 PAGE 5 The Ukraine has long been subjected to attempts at Russi- fication from Moscow, which has ridden roughshod over the of the national rights Ukrainians. Any disagreement with this process has normally been labelled 'bourgeois nationalism'. undoubtedly There are bourgeois and restorationist tendencies in the Ukrainian nationalist But movement. there are also tendencies de- manding a return to Leninist policies the national on question. This is recognized even by some Stalinists: A Canadian CP delegation which visited the Ukraine late in 1967 accused the authorities of condemning as 'bourgeois nationalists' who people simply wanted to use their language. Shelest appears to have been zealous in his persecution of the Ukrainian deviators, and one speculation is that his differences with Brezhnev's foreign policy were linked at least in part to a fear that in- creased contacts with the West would tend to strengthen the nationalist tendency.

PAGE 6 Workers Press, Tuesday June 20, 1972 Realignments in the International Labour Movement A keynote of the recent Socialist Labour League annual con- ference was the struggle against centrism—a political tendency between reformism and revolution. The conference was warned that centrist groups like the International Socialists might gain a certain credibility because their left talk temporarily coincides with the experience of workers trying to break from reformism.

But centrism operates above all to prevent the working class from confronting and understanding its historic political task to overthrow capitalism-hence revolutionaries must launch a relentless struggle against it. As part of this struggle we print Leon Trotsky's characterization of centrism first published on 'The Militant'-the organ of the Socialist March 17. 1934, in Workers Party in the United States.

1. The events in Austria, expense of the now prevailing tendencies and organizations. coming after the events in At the same time the revolu- Germany, placed a final tionary International "classic re- form itself otherwise than cross over in consistent struggle against formism. Henceforth only Under centrism. these con- the dullest leaders of Bri.

ditions ideological irreconcil- tish and American trade the flexible policy ability and of the united front serve as unionism and their two weapons for the attain- French follow er Jouh- ment of one and the same end.

lux, the president of the Characteristics of International, second Vandervelde, and similar centrism 2. One must understand first of political ichthyosauri will the most characteristic dare to speak openly of traits of modern centrism.

That the perspectives of peace- first, because easy: ful development, demo- centrism due to its organic amorphousness yields with cratic reforms, etc. difficulty to positive definition: it is characterized The overwhelming majority much extent by to greater of reformists consciously what it lacks than by what it take on new colours now. embraces, secondly, never has Reformism yields to the centrism yet played to such innumerable shadings of with all the an extent as now which now dominate centrism colours of the rainbow, because field workers' the of the never yet have the ranks of the the majority of movement in working class been in such This creates an en- FERMENT as countries. at the present tirely and new, sense, time. Political ferment, by the unprecedented, situation for very essence of the term, work in the spirit of revolu- shift means a realignment, tionary Marxism (Bolshevism).

Marxism between two poles, The New International can and reformism; that is, the the passing through the various develop principally at Top right: Trotsky with 'The Militants', organ of the Socialist Workers Dartv in the United States. Above: dictating notes to his secretary stages of centrism. 3. No matter how difficult a general definition of centrism, which of necessity always has conjunctural' character, a nevertheless, we can and must bring out the outstanding characteristics and peculiar- ities of the centrist groupings "originating from the break- down of the Second and the Third Internationals. (a) Theoretically, centrism is amorphous and eclectic, so far as possible it evades theoretical obligations and inclines (in words) to give preference to 'revolutionary practice' over theory, without understanding that only Marxian theory can impart revolutionary direction to practice. Centrist ideology (b) In the sphere of ideology leads centrism a parasitic existence: it repeats against revolutionary Marxists the old Menshevik arguments (Martov, Axelrod, Plekhanov) usually without suspecting this; on the other hand, its main arguments against the rights it borrows from the Marxists, that is first of all from the Bolshevik- Leninists, dulling however, the sharp edge of criticism, avoid- ing practical conclusions, there- by rendering their criticism meaningless. (C) A centrist readily pro- claims his hostility to reform- ism; but he does not mention centrism; he con- moreover, siders the very definition of centrism as 'unclear' ', 'arbitary', etc; in other words centrism its name. always un- revolutionary principle a principled personal in spiritual on more silent on he agandist the concern that which analogous On the international arena does not understand that in the epoch a national revolutionary party can be built only as part international party; the choice of his international alles me cenwist is even less discriminating than in his own pacifist foreign policy, anti-fascist bloc, etc.) adily centre always swears readily Ine boncy united front emptying it of its and it trom a supicnic P(k) A centrist readily resorts to pathetic moralizing to cover up his ideological emptin he does not understand revolutionary morality can formed only on the basis revolutionary doctrine revolutionary policy. Words and deeds Under the pressure of cumstance the eclectic cent may accept even the n extreme conclusions only retreat from them afterw in practice. Having acce the dictatorship of the pr tariat he will leave margin for opportunist in pretations; having proclai the necessity of a For International he will work the building of a Two-an half International, etc. 4. The most malignant exan of centrism is, if you wish, German group 'Begin Ar (Neu Beginnen). Superfic repeating the Marxian critic of reformism, it comes to conclusion that all the i fortunes of the proleta follow from splits and salvation lies in the safegu ing of the unity of the so democratic parties. gentlemen place the orga ational discipline of Wels the hist Co. higher than interests of the proletariat.

since Wels and Co. subordi the party to the discipline emptiness; the bourgeoisie, the group tand that 'Begin Anew', cloaked by left ty can be criticism stolen from the • basis of Marxists, represents in reality and harmful agency of the bourgeois order, even though an agency of second degree.

The London Bureau re of cir- 5. The so-called London (now ic centrist Amsterdam) Bureau the most repre- sents an attempt at creating only to an international focal point for afterwards centrist. eclecticism, under the accepted banner of which the right and the prole- the left opportunist groupings, wide which dare not choose finally a nist inter- direction and a banner, try to roclaimed a Fourth unite. work for In this as in other cases the direct the "wo-and-a- centrists try to along a movement obliquely it example diagonal course. The elements composing the bloc pull in wish, the in Anew' opposite directions, the NAP (National Workers' perficially Party) n criticism cautiously moves towards the Second International: the ILP les to the (Independent Labour Party)- mis- towards the Third proletariat partly partly towards the Fourth; and that the SAP (Socialist Workers' safeguard- the social- Party of Germany) and the OSP (Independent Socialist These Holland)—veering • organiz- Party of and vacillating towards the Wels and e historic Fourth. Exploiting and ariat. And preserving the ideological amorphousness ubordinate cipline of of all its participants and trying to compete in the work for the creation of a new Inter- national, the bloc of the Bureau' 'London plays reactionary role. The failure of this grouping is absolutely inevitable. Bureaucratic centrism 6. The defining of the policy of as that of the Comintern

BUREAUCRATIC

centrism retains its full force now too.

As a matter of fact only CENTRISM is capable of con- stant leaps from opportunist betrayals to ultra-left adventur- ism; only the powerful SOVIET

BUREAUCRACY

could for ten years assure a stable base for the ruinous policy of zig- zags. Bureaucratic centrism, in from distinction centrist groupings which crystallized out of the social democracy, is the product of the degener- ation of Bolshevism; it retains —in caricature form-some of its traits, still leads a consider- able number of revolutionary workers, disposes of extra- ordinary material and technical means, but by its political in- fluence is now the crassest, most disorganizing and harm- ful variety of centrism. The political break-down of the Comintern, clear to the signifies of whole world, Workers Press, Tuesd necessity the further decom- position bureaucratic of centrism. In this sphere our task is to save the best ele- for the cause of the ments proletarian revolution. Side by side with tireless principled criticism, our main weapon for influencing the workers still remaining under the banner of the Comintern is the further penetration of our ideas and methods into those wide masses, who stand now in over- whelming majority outside the influence of the Comintern.

Adaptation to reformist manoeuvres 7. Precisely now, when reform- forced ism to renounce itself, transforming or dying centrism, itself into some groupings of LEFT centrism, on the contrary, stop short in development their and even move backwards. It seems to them that the reformists have already grasped almost every- thing, that it is only necessary not to play with exorbitant demands, criticism, extreme phraseology, and that then with one blow one can create revolutionary' party. a mass In reality, reformism, forced by itself, to disavow events having no clear programme, no revolutionary tactics, is capable only of lulling the advanced workers to sleep by inculcating in them the idea that the revolutionary regeneration of their party is already achieved.

New forms of struggle 8. For a revolutionary Marxist the struggle against reformism is now almost fully replaced by the struggle against centrism. The bare mere counterposing of legal struggle to illegal, of peaceful means to violence, democracy to dictatorship now goes beside the mark in the majority of because the frightened cases reformist, disavowing himself, the most is ready to accept 'revolutionary' formulas if only do they obligate him not today to a'decisive break with irresoluteness inde- his own cision and expectant waiting.

The struggle with hidden or masked opportunists must therefore be transferred chiefly to the sphere of PRACTICAL

CONCLUSIONS FROM REV-

OLUTIONARY REQUISITES.

seriously Before accepting centrist talk of the 'dictator- of the proletariat' ship we must demand a serious defence against fascism, a complete break with the bourgeoisie, a systematic building of a training militia, its workers' in militant spirit, the creation of inter-party defence centres, anti-fascist staffs, the banish- ment from their ranks of parliamentary, trade-unionist other traitors, bourgeois and lackeys, careerists, too.

Precisely on this plane the main fights against centrism must now be fought. To carry the struggle with success on it is necessary to have free hands, that is, not only to retain full organizational inde- pendence, but also critical with regard intransigence to 'left' offshoots of the most centrism. Events force realignments 9. Bolshevik-Leninists in must realize cleary countries the peculiarities of the new stage in the struggle for the The Fourth International. events in Austria and France give a powerful impetus to the realignment of the forces of the proletariat in the revolu- this a ry dierstio suBula prings ly this universal supplanting open reformism by centrism develops a powerful attractive force with regard to left centrist groupings (SAPOSP) which only yesterday were about to unite with the Bolshevik-Leninists. This dialectic process may produce the impression on the surface that the Marxist wing "isolated' from the is again masses. A flagrant delusion! The veerings of centrism to orkers Press, Tuesday June 20, 1972 PAGE 7 the right and to the left follow from very nature. There will yet be tens and hundreds of such episodes on our road.

It would be the most wretched faint-heartedness to fear to go forward just because the road is strewn with obstacles or because not all the fellow travellers will arrive at the very end. The Fourth International Whether the new oppor- tunist vacillations of our cen- trist allies will prove conjunc- tural or final (in reality they will be of both kinds), the general conditions for the for- mation of the Fourth Inter- national on the basis of genuine Bolshevism become more and more favourable.

The chase of the 'extreme left' centrists after the simply lefts, of the lefts-after the moderates, of the moderates— after the rights, like the chase of a man after his own shadow, can not create any stable mass organization: the miserable ex- perience of the German Independent Party (USP) re- tains now also its full' force.

Under the of pressure events, with the aid of our criticism and our slogans, the advanced workers will step over the vacillations of the most left-centrist leaders, and, if it should become necessary, also over these very leaders.

On the road to a new Inter- national the proletarian van- guard will find other no answers than those which have been elaborated and are being elaborated by the Bolshevik- Leninists on the basis of inter- national experience during ten years of uninterrupted theore- tical and practical struggle.

Conditions for success 10. During the past year our political influence has greatly number grown a countries. We will be able to develop and broaden these suc- cesses in a comparatively short time under the following con- ditions: (a) Not to outsmart the his- toric process, not to play hide and seek but to state what is; (b) to give ourselves a theo- retic accounting of the changes in the general situation which in the present fre- epoch quently take on the nature of sharp turns; (c) to heed carefully the mood of the masses, without prejudices, illusions, without without self-deception in order on the basis of a correct esti- mate of the relationship of forces within the proletariat, to avoid opportunism as well as adventurism and to lead the masses forward; (d) every day, every hour to clearly ourselves answer to what our next PRACTICAL STEP must be, tirelessly to prepare this step and on the basis of living experience ex- plain to the workers the prin- differences of Bolshe- cipled vism from all other parties and currents; The basic historic task (e) not to confuse tactical tasks of a united front with historic task; the basic the creation of new parties and a new International; (f) not to neglect even the weakest ally, for the sake of PRACTICAL action. (g) to watch critically the most 'left' ally as a possible adversary. (h) to treat with the greatest those groupings attention which actually gravitate to us; patiently and carefully to listen to their criticism, doubts and vacillations; to help them develop toward Marxism; not to be frightened by their cap- rices, threats, ultimatums (cen- trists are always capricious and touchy); not to make any con- cessions to them in principle; (i) and once more: not to fear to state what is. February 23, 1934.

'THIS LAND OF IRELAND...

ANNEXED FOREVER'

PAGE 8 Workers Press, Tuesday June 2 'The Green Flag.' By Robert Kee.

Weldenfeld Nicolson. £5.95 877 pages. A six part reew by Jack Gale The earliest English 'rights' in Ireland dated from the feudal allegiance owed to the English king by those of his subjects who acquired land there. Then, in 1541, Henry VIII proclaimed himself King of this land of Ireland as united, annexed and knit for ever to the Imperial Crown of the Realm of England'. The Tudor and Stuart monarchies-Protestant and Catholic a like-waged fero- cious war on the Irish. The lands of those who resisted were confiscated and given to settlers from England and Scot- land. These thefts-known as 'Plantations'—occurred mainly in Ulster, and the new land- owners were Protestants. The first large-scale war of resistance was so-called of 164l. It was an attempt by the Gaelic Irish of Ulster to recover their confiscated lands. This was finally suppressed with unparalleled brutality by Oliver Cromwell in 1652. About one-third of the Irish Catholic population lost their lives. Others were transported to the West Indies by slave- owners. The restoration of the monarchy in 1660 made little difference. True, the Catholic James II repealed Cromwell's Act of Settlement, but in prac- tice nothing was done to res- tore the land to its former Catholic owners. The defeat of James's forces by the Protestant William of Orange at the battles of the Boyne in 1690 and Aughrim in 1691 (Kee omits to mention that William was financed in part by the Pope) was followed by more land annexations. By 1703, after the Williamite set- tlement, only 15 per cent of the cultivatable land of Ireland was left in Catholic hands.

The next 20 years saw the introduction of the infamous Penal Laws. These excluded Catholics from open political activity and banned Catholic education. They barred Catholics from buying land or acquiring a mortgage on it.

Moreover, any Catholic who turned Protestant immediately acquired rights to the land of his Catholic relatives. (There was no shortage of ambitious Catholics who sud- denly saw the light with the aid of this law though Kee omits this too.) So, by the mid-18th century, only 7 per cent of the land of Ireland was left in Catholic hands. At the same time as Irish Lund was being acquired by pro- lay June 20, 1972 Above left: Henry VIII, the first English k owners for limited independence-legisl English Protestant settlers and fervent religious converts, Irish trade was also being crippled.

For example, the export of woollen goods from Ireland prohibited to anywhere was except England-where it faced exhorbitant duties.

This meant that, for the Irish poor, there was no alter- native to scraping a bare exist- ence from the land—as tenants of the above-mentioned land- lords. They were forced to pay the highest rents that could be squeezed from them and they had against no protection eviction. The first resistance to the landlords took the form of secret societies, like the White- boys movement which began in 1760. These groups of desper- ate men killed the landlords' cattle, tore down fences from enclosed land, reinstated evicted tenants by force, and even murdered landlords and their agents. Similar societies sprang up all over Ireland for almost two centuries, from the early 1700s to about 1880. They were as Rightboys, known Thrashers, Rockites, Ribbon- men, Whitefeet, Blackfeet, the Lady Clares, the Terry Alts and a variety of other names.

It must be emphasized that this was not a matter of Catholic against tenants Protestant owners. In the 19th century, after the penal laws repealed, Catholics were became landlords on a con- siderable scale. They were just as hated as their Protestant and they were counterparts just as active in putting down resistance. By the same token, Protest- ant tenants in the North also formed secret societies such English king to proclaim himself King of Ireland ce 'legislative rights under a joint crown'.

as the Uakboys and the Steel- boys-to fight their Protestant landlords. It is interesting to note that probably the most brutal evictions of all were carried out by a renegade Catholic family turned Protestant-the Burke family who were rewarded for their 'conversion' by being • created Earls of Clanrickarde. Meanwhile, all pretence of any independence for the Irish parliament had been ended in 1719, when the English parlia- Declaratory ment passed the Act. This stated that it had a full right to legislate for Ireland if it so desired.

However, the original demand for Irish parliamentary independence was a demand waged by the Irish propertied class. Only this class had the vote. In the 18th century, 30 individuals controlled enough 'rotten boroughs' (ie areas with a tiny population whose 'repre- sentative' in parliament was in fact nominated by the land- owner) to ensure a permanent majority in Irish the parliament. Of these, the majority were agents of the British Crown. So, in practice, the English government nomin- hat ated the Irish 'government'!

The movement of Protestant property owners for political independence was led first by Henry Flood and then by Henry Grattan. Throughout, it recognized the English king as King of Ireland, seeking only legislatory powers under him.

In 1779 the repeal of restrictive commercial legis- lation against Irish products was obtained. But the gains made by Grattan's 'Patriot' party were of ireland. Right: Henry Grattan, who led a m due not to his persuasive powers, but to the emergence of an armed force in Ireland and to the blows delivered against England by the American War of Indepen- dence. The armed force-known as the Volunteers-numbered some 80,000 men by 1782 and established its own elected body, called the Convention.

This forced the Irish parliament a Declaration of to pass which Independence was accepted by England. The English parliament then repealed the earlier 'Poyning's Law' which had compelled the Irish parliament to submit its legislation to Westminster for approval. Then, in 1782, the English parliament passed an Act of Renunciation of its legislative rights in Ireland.

These changes brought into existence what became known as 'Grattan's Parliament'. But this was more shadow than substance. Grattan stood not for Irish independence, but for legislative rights under a joint crown. In fact, he spoke of a 'perpetual connection with the British Empire' Even this limited indepen- dence remained an illusion as long as the English govern- ment controlled a majority in the Irish parliament. And after 1782 the English government increased dominance by deliberately extending the sale of parlia- places, titles and mentary honours. Needless to say, there was no shortage of patriotic Irish gentry willing to serve their country in this way.

which receives One point little emphasis from Kee, is that if the Irish Protestants were united on legislative inde- • lod a movement of protestant property pendence, they were certainly not united on parliamentary reform-the only way to transform the myth into reality.

So a new conflict arose, this time between the new Protestant middle class and the Protestant landed aristocracy.

All Catholics, of course, still excluded from were participating in the political system at all. So two issues now dominated political life in Ireland—parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation. These were linked because the Protestant middle class was prepared to recognize the Catholic middle class as allies against 'their own' Protestant aristocratic rivals. In 1778, the first Catholic Relief Bill enabled Catholics to start buying property again.

In 1782, Catholics were granted exactly the same rights of property and leasehold in land as Protestants. The middle class, however, was afraid of the consequences of using the Volunteers to force through parliamentary reform. In 1783, 500 armed Volunteers waited for the order to march on the Irish parliament in Dublin to force it to adopt a Reform Bill passed by the Convention. The order never came and the Convention was disbanded.

Thus, the constitutional independence of 1782 remained a sham. But the shock that was to affect history throughout Europe--and not least in Ireland-occurred seven years later not in Ireland itself, nor in England, but in France.

CONTNUET TOMORROW

Prior 1917, Maxim to Gorky (1868-1936) had a long, though chequered, relationship the with Bolsheviks. After Lenin's death and a period of he reconciled him- exile Stalinism and self to became the accepted 'father' of socialist real- ism, that turgid surrogate for revolutionary art. Lenin himself had a great (if critical) respect for Gorky and the history of their troubled relationship. recorded in 'The Bridge and the Abyss' by Bertram D. Wolfe, reveals just how tolerant Lenin was of artists who sought, sometimes in mistaken ways, to con- tribute to socialism. During the crucial revolu- tionary period covered by these essays both men were tested to the extreme. That Lenin carried through the October Revolution is his- tory: Gorky's role in these turbulent months is less well- Known. These often crude are a very valuable essays record of the various ways in which revolutionary events can disorient even sensitive and well-meaning socialists who are not theoretically equipped to evaluate and understand them.

Ironically, Gorky's impres- sionistic fulminations against the Bolsheviks inform us just how necessary their coherent Marxist theory was to the success of the Revolution.

To understand Gorky's posi- tion during these months some knowledge of his literary work is needed. Briefly, he vacillated between the extreme social realism of 'Mother' and "The Lower Depths' and the arcane idealism of 'The Confession' in which he tried to found a popular cult which would reconcile Christianity with Marxism. His strengths were his courage, his stamina, his deep concern for suffering humanity; his primary weakness was his inability to think systematic- 'Novaya Zhizn' was a Men- published in shevik paper Petrograd and Gorky was its most prestigious commentator.

His cultural concerns his con- fusion, his impotent tirades are representative of a par- ticular type of 'left' democrat.

Many British socialists are sure to respond in similar ways to a similar impending crisis.

Broadly speaking, Gorky saw the February revolution as a wonderful opportunity to spread culture to the 'dark Russian masses' • He did not analyse the political structure of the Duma or the Provisional Government. He concentrated on the cultural opportunities that 'democracy' seemed to offer. Gorky became a spokesman on the enfranchised petty- bourgeois intellectuals. Con- sequently, a Marxist class analysis of the events he was to witness is not to be looked for. He wrote: 'Intellectual force is qualita- tively the first and foremost productive force, and concern for its rapid growth should be the ardent concern of all classes? (April 18, 1917. My emphasis, J.B.) His basic refusal to accept the irreconcilability of the interests of the bour- class geoisie with those of workers peasants drew him, and ineluctably, into ever deeper and fiercer opposition to the theory and practice of the Bolsheviks. While they were preparing to take power, Gorky was printing resounding exhorta- tions to the 'intellectuals' to spread culture to the benighted masses within the existing state structure. His concept of 'European culture, however, was left vague enough to avoid embarrassing social content. It and remains, an anti- was, Marxist idea of absolute cul- independent of social ture struggles. Gorky, like some of our contemporary literateurs, be- lieved that everything could be smoothed over with a little art: 'Politics and religion divide people into separate groups; , revealing in man that art is common which to all humanity, unites us.' (April This benign idiocy, which blames politics as such, as the divisive force and not the social base upon which poli- tical structures are founded, shows just how little equipped he was to understand the class nature of the events which were shortly to unfold before his bewildered and angry gaze.

By June 9 he was writing more openly that the political was an 'unavoidable struggle evil'. He became obsessed with failure of 'politics' to mankind between humanize dawn and dusk: ...the political struggle renders the building of culture almost impossible' He then started to concen- trate upon the brutalities reported in the anti-Bolshevik press and upon the dire reports sent in by often unnamed correspondents. The Gorky's temper of thought at this time was one of Fabian gradualism which, even in the face of imminent Maxim Gorky-everything i could be smoothed over with a little art.

'Untimely Thoughts'. By Maxim (Essays from Novaya Gorky Zhizn April 1917 - July 1918).

Garnstone Press, 90p. Review by Jack Bainbridge White terror, called for respon- sible caution. Had his stric- tures been used political they would have formulae, served gaine pressed by the Bolsheviks then turther to those of bourgeois demo- cracy. They took exception to shis wild meanderings and fol- towed their own consistent programme. rocky became more and more enraged with them. In a spirited (and formally correct) defence of the Jews anti-Semites Gorky against upraids them also for accusing the Jews of the further offence of creating Bolshevism! During this defence he calls Lenin a 'pure-blooded Russian sinner'.

From this position it is only a short step to utter hostility to any popular revolutionary action or as he called it on July 4 'disgusting scenes of madness'. The next stage is a blanket condemnation of the Bolshevik leadership. Soon after October Gorky made his position crystal-clear.

He became the desperate spokesman of the middle classes who saw their chances of advancement removed from them in one bold swoop. 'Lenin, Trotsky and their already companions have become poisoned with the filthy venom of power, and this is evidenced by their shameful attitude towards freedom of speech, the individual and the sum total of those rights for the triumph of which demo- cracy struggled.' (November 7) in the same piece he called Lenin a 'cold-blooded trickster' who was leading the Russian people to ruin. Gorky in 'Novaya Zhizn' was in fact allowed eight more months to say this sort of thing: 'Mr Trotsky's frenzied dance on the ruin of Russia.' (Nov- ember 12.) "The reformers from Smolny do not care about Russia.' (December 10.) The : revolution will perish from internal exhaustion if the proletariat, submitting to the fanatic implacability of the People's Commissars, con- tinues to widen its rift with democracy.' (January 13.)

• Democracy has two 'communist enemies: their lordships who crushed it phy- sically and the Cadets who are already starting the work of killing its spirit.' (March 25.)

These attitudes are typical of the liberal 'left' when faced outright with the choice of reformism or revolution. Gorky's subsequent opportun- ism with Stalin does not mark a radical change of heart. Such subjective idealism can find itself at home in many situa- tions in which the energy of the revolutionary proletariat has been severely curtailed.

That Gorky, among all his wild vituperations of the revo- lutionaries, kept alive some faith in 'culture' may be seen by some as a creditable thing.

Let them remember that had his impressionistic humani- tarian appeals been taken as political wisdom, they would have led to their direct oppo- site-a White barbarism scale which he was if-equipped to imagine. Reactionary thoughts are hatched in many in periods of revolu- shapes tionary crisis. Workers Press, Tuesday June 20, 1972 PAGE 9 Martin Brannan, a director of the company, was invited to attend. After the ersatz years He replied that he wanted a made at Gretna Green variety fee of £25 for a 20-minute and points north you can at talk and £20 expenses. last look forward buying to The ICA refused to pay and the authentic Scotch whisky pointed out that at this rate straight from the distillery in Brannan would take home for Tokyo. 20 minutes' 'work' far more Last Friday the Japanese than his employees earned in approved plans government a week. At this rate his weekly for a joint Japanese-American- pay of £3,000 is twice as much British venture to process the as his workers earn in a year.

life-giving fluid. A Foreign Investment Coun- cil announcement listed the participating companies as the Kirin leading brewery, beer-maker; Joseph Seagram Sons Inc and

(USA)

and Chivas Bros Ltd (GB). Initially raw whisky will be US imported from and the Britain to be processed into Scotch and sold under foreign brands. The eventual aim is a mostly domestic product. Half the new company's £2.5m initial will be capital put up by Kirin, 45 per cent by Seagram and 5 per cent by Chivas. Whether the final blend will be in the same pro- portions is not known. Did you know that Bucking- down for ham Palace was President domestic Nixon's slum clearance? Well, appar- affairs adviser says one reason ently the place has been in a the President that has few terrible condition, with news conferences is that news- exposed wiring all over the men ask dumb questions'. place. 'He doesn't get very good This exclusive news comes questions at a press conference, straight from the inside-from frankly,' said John D. Ehrlich- Princess Anne in fact. 'He goes in there for a man. The other day she opened a half hour and lot of gets a 'show house' converted into flabby and fairly dumb ques- flats by Shelter-the organiza- tions and it doesn't really tion which constantly arranges elucidate very much. 'weep-ins' for the homeless.

I've him times seen many Royalty is good at weeping, come off one of these things so along went the Princess to and go back in and say, "Isn't Morgan, his meet Mr John it extraordinary how poor the wife Irma and their two child- quality of the questions are?", ren at their new home. Asked during television She then went round to see interview taping session Morgan's the old home — a whether he was accusing the damp, two-room flat where the Washington of press corps family had lived for 24 years.

being flabby and dumb, The Princess saw wiring laid replied: Ehrlichman 'No, bare by fallen plaster. said the questions are flabby 'Goodness, it's just like our and dumb. place, she exclaimed. "The wiring at Buckingham Palace was so old we had birds making nests in it. But it's all The Institute of Contemporary fixed now Arts is running an exhibition One wonders if she also has on the the year-old strike at the same problems the as Brannan's thermometer fac- Morgans have living in their tory, Cleater Moor, Cumber- new home. They've got an f8 land. a week rent to find and Mrs One of the events was a dis- Morgan said her husband's cussion of the strike and wages were poor.

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PAGE 10 Workers Press, Tuesday June 20, 1972 Cynical acceptance by Manchester Labourites MANCHESTER'S Labour By law the housing revenue account benefits for the tenants.

to the contrary, most cynical council will It Is a implement the Housing Finance Bill. must be in the black at the end of the position. The Labour Party's main sup The in capitulation Manchester The decision will be taken at the coun- financial year. A deficit could be met porters on the council estates can be means that the other big councils in cil meeting next month. thrown to the winds. Liverpool-will by an interim rates increase.

the region-especially As the Evening News' The group has one eye on next year's no doubt soon be finding In a carelully-timed announcement.

Manchester _excuses lo however: An interim elections the council has just declared that the put it. under the reorganized local carry out lory rent plans.

would be little short of political suicide doubt Indeed, the study group set up after housing revenue account is in the red government structure ala Is do for inevitable in because it would alienate householders hoping middle-class support by the meeting of Labour groups ten days ana sell are October, even without the 'fair rents' throughout the avoiding rate increases. ago in Sheffield could end by sanction- caly, wheres mme re Bill. group Only Ing implementauon. ror cur joe Dean.

chairman Manchester's Now the Labour who tend to has come round to the view- housing group, the most be concentrated was Lenas never seriously against implementation committee, is a member of the group poweriul In the Norin west, can say un Certain woress that it is a waste of time to oppose the If this is the thinking of Labour at any time -that to carry out the pro- which supposed to be examining group leaders, and there is no evidence visions of the Bill will somehow reap ways round the Bill. Fighting the Tories' Rent Bill Using the Bill will hit election chances ISLINGTON Labour imposed Bill and saying the only says Labour ot nighting it is by imple- way council will be discussing menting. "Then there is the question of the implementation of the councillor the surcharge. Some said they Finance didn't "if it Housing Bill jail would help the tenants" again tonight. 'I don't scare easily. Might is

BY PHILIP WADE

the main thing they had or- Although the Labour group Labour Our housing correspondent ganized concus has would have come down against taken Housing Commis- motion of non-implement- 'When they told him sioners.' 23 Labour councillors wouldn't difference- ation, Illake any Cllr Flynn would said the majority be hanged-he are still battling on, trying to replied: "He'll do had accused him more anal Older reverse the decision. throw- nicely' LL Labour councillors of ing the tenants the dogs' and 'This is the self-same thing. council meeting outsice The "silly and big' standing there is sure to be a big he boy The working class will suner ane against the Bill

OUL

of tenants in support of the no matter who carries the I'm Bill out. "As far concerned, in me ine auer meetoo o toe tenants are going to be thrown borough, tenants have hammered I think we'll lose certain dogs by implementing council leaders for their betrayal of support islingtor howevel of the 'fair rents' fight.

Gone implements. tenants will become will jeopardize the

ANG

Tonis disillusioned-they expected sup- One of the councillors against Labour Party at elec- port from a 100 per cent Labour Gerard Flynn out Tory policies tion here. will Gerard who sits for the Tenants council. are obviously lurn our ana vote. getting the lead they need Parkway ward. A bus driver, not fighting a 'We're and deserve. here battle nas been member une and there's a lot of work to be Transport and General Workers' part I am a socialist 'For my done,' added Cllr Flynn. man and I Union for 20 years. and Party Labour He was worried about "To say you can soften the can t

TOI

me link 1cill strikes why Labour-controlled councils blow Bill organized impiemenune ine properly could lose should implement this Bill, said people their is like the old story I know.

The Cllr Flynn han es. To have he success bloke on the scaffold was about any would ine rent have last "They're bright and brilliant hanged. his tenants. Dankee Denalt quest he asked that his friend be types on the council. Yet the fact Cllr Flynn Nevertheless, was allowed to pull the lever.

they're accepting Tory- favour Islington council only collecting the existing renu Gerard Flynn, bus driver and one of 23 Islingtun councillors against try and draw l orles

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His idea of fighting Bill the 'If in certain was to come together business. Once you start talking cases we have with other workers against the government.

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'You're avIne morse

WORSE

right when say from to pay them? Death Agony of Capitalism yUL Eventually—if Heath finds the workers the • take hat off to those (The Transitional Programme) my -the government must come three shop stewards the Same polcies irom Labour as the and do battle. last Labour government. We will docks who said come and get us VUl Class Nature of the Soviet State plenty of oppor- have to commit *I here the next Labour i Defence of the October ale it you want for this tunities bringing down some men like these in Islington, zovernment manitesto. which will be for the We've got to put up a fight and coverinene 1 OU Bane poncy Revolution Pamphlet 15p Tories are involved in it. working class the things somewhere. The Theory and Practice of stop 'This situation is solved by 'I'm for nationalization and Revisionism Pamphlet 15p The fight will be won-but dockers, tenants and so miners, the business someone it'll take longer to do it because rosace vo der cook. so del getting paid for ever and a day missed, said for Flyties Coming rocerner. Delo we've pamphlet. Order from : ganized and amalgamated on this when we take them over.

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'Prince Manor Baths, Deptford viaollan ManO day June 22, _• P.M. 'Marxism and the Engineers' Club (opposite New Why • Labour government?' SHE HELD: Wednesday Cross Stn.). 'Stalinism'.

THE SOCIALIST

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Monday June 26 20, 7.30 p.m Buffet room, 7.30 p.m. 'New White Lion' I own Co-op Hall. Hiah Road Wicker. o.l. Eastleiah. Build Councils

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22, Address p.m. Thursday June 8 p.m. Balham Ave, Barking. 'Fight the Tory SI Ambulance Baths JUlI field 'Build SOUTH Co rents brigade Mall, Lea ha. Mode banan

LONDON:

Tuesday ism'. Councils of Action'.

BBC 1

9.20 The Herbs. 9.38, 2.05 Schools. 12.55 Aelwyd Ac Eiddo.

1.30 Along the Trail. 1.45 News, weather. 2.25 Racing from Ascot.

4.40 Magic Roundabout. 4.45 Jackanory. 4.55 Animal Magic.

5.20 Scooby-Doo. 5.44 Parsley.

5.50 News, weather.

6.00 NATIONWIDE.

6.45 ROYAL ASCOT. Highlights of the first day's racing.

7.00 TOMORROW'S WORLD.

7.25 FILM: ELIZABETH OF

LADYMEAD'. Anna Neagle, Hugh Williams, Story of Georgian mansion and the four women of different generations who live in it while their husbands are away at the wars. 9.00 NEWS, Weather. 9.20

TREASURES OF TUTAN-

KHAMUN. Exhibition at the British Museum. 10.10 FILM 72. Philip Oakes reviews the week's new films.

10.40 24 HOURS.

ВВС 2 11.00 Play School. 6.05 Open University. 7.30 NEWSROOM, Weather.

8.00 THE NEW MASTERS.

Marc Chagall.

8.50 WHEELBASE.

9.20 PLAY: 'NIGHT DUTY'. By Peter Ransley. Night superintendent at a men- tal hospital is involved in train of events he cannot control. 10.25 NEWS, Weather. 10.30

THE OLD GREY WHISTLE

TEST. Roxy Music. The Sutherland Brothers. Regional TV CHANNEL: 2.40 Testing job. 3.05 Journey to the sun. 4.00 Lottery.

4.10 Enchanted 4.20 house. Puffin. 4.25 Odd 4.55 couple. London. 6.00 News. 6.10 Police file. 6.15 Lookaround. 6.35 Cross- 'Posse 7.00 Film: from roads. Hell'. 8.30 London. 11.45 News, 12.00 Gazette. 12.05 weather. Weather. SOUTH SHIELDS Trades Council executive council faces bitter criticism at a full meeting tonight. Engineering delegates from South Shields No. 1 branch are demanding to know why the executive has censored a resolu- tion calling for a Council of Action. The executive stepped in pre- venting the resolution from going to a full council meeting.

Centrists and right-wing Labourites voted 8-3 against the resolution after saying it was 'not competent'. Labour Party members were WORKERS at the closure- threatened Manchester factory of the giant Dunlop-Pirelli rubber group are planning to fight proposed redundancies.

Shop stewards representing the 1,100 workers at the Cam- bridge Street factory fear that rationalization plans since the merger with Pirelli threaten their jobs. They have presented man- with three-point agement demand: Consultation before any rationalization. • An examination of pay con- ditions and holidays throughout the groups to make sure British workers get a 'fair deal'.

Assurances that the company will build a new factory in Man- Cambridge chester when the Street plant ultimately closes.

The demands carried this

ITV

12.30 Cook Book. 1.30 Outlook.

2.30 Good Afternoon. 3.00 House- party. 3.15 Let's Face It. 3.45 Danger Man. 4.40 Once Upon a Time. 4.55 Showtime. 5.20 Mag- pie Special. 5.50 News.

6.00 TODAY.

6.30 CROSSROADS.

6.55 FATHER, DEAR FATHER.

7.25 FILM: 'THE FLYING MIS-

SILE'. Glenn Ford, Viveca of men Lindfors. Story who build and test guided missiles.

9.00 PLAYHOUSE: |

THE

GREEKS

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GIFTS'. By John Hopkins. A stranger disturbs the lives of suburban family.

10.00 NEWS.

10.30 RADICAL LAWYER-ONE

MAN'S VIEW OF THE

LAW. Benedict Birnberg challenges traditional at- titudes to the law and the police in Britain. 11.20 THE CRAFTSMEN. Master wood-carver Frank Hud- son.

11.50 IDEAS IN PRINT.

WESTWARD. As Channel except: 3.30 Report. 3.55 Gus Honeybun.

4.20 News. Diary. 11.47 News. 11.51 Epilogue. after- SOUTHERN: 2.30 Good noon. 3.00 Man trom uncle. 4.00 Houseparty. 4.15 Grasshopper island. 4.30 Crossroads. 4.55 London. 6.00 Day by day. 6.30 Smith family. 7.00 Film: "The against the resolution because it involved joining forces with or- ganizations which were pro- scribed Communist Party members were silent during the executive discussion, but loyally voted with the right wing. NUM mechanics delegates from Durham and demanded that their votes be recorded and they reserved the right to bring this to the atten- tion of the delegates at tonight's full council meeting. warning: 'The company cannot ride rough-shod over the em- ployees. We are prepared to defend ourselves.' The demands will be discussed in Geneva later this month at a of the International meeting Chemical and Federation of General Workers' Unions. The demands were worked out at a private meeting between six shop stewards from Cam- Street and General and bridge Municipal Workers' regional organizer John Race. The three- point plan is dangerously weak.

It is imbued with the dangerous notion that big international monopolies will respond to pleas for 'fair play'. FOOTNOTE: Until he joined the Heath Cabinet. Home Secretary Reginald Maudling was a direc- tor of Dunlop. Solicitor Benedict Birnberg Is followed t his practice in tonight's 'Radical Law Law' on independent channels 10.30 p.r traditional attitudes to the law and police ept: Flying Fontaines'. 8.30 London.

11.20 News. 11.30 Farm progress.

12.00 Weather. HTV: 1.40 Out of Town. 2.00 Remember. 2.25 Kate. 3.20 Let's face it. 3.45 Junkin. 4.15 Tinker- tainment. 4.30 Crossroads. 4.55 London. 6.01 Report West. 6.18 Report Wales. 6.35 Odd couple.

DEPARTMENT OF EMPLO

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DISTRICT

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* * OS $9.0) pe

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to be arranged. to pepere

REMARKS

nee ine. person ventin.

REF. NO.

171/148,00 PICKETS were out at the Singer sewing machine plant in Clydebank yesterday after weekend mass meeting a voted to continue a five- week strike for a pay in- crease. The dispute, which involves 5,000 workers, has caused great bitterness in the town. Manage- ment has taken the unpreceden- ted step of serving notice on 700 staff who will be progressively sacked between now and the end of July. The firm has offered rises of up to £3.75, but the workers remain firm in their determin- ation to win £4.25. Convenor Gavin Laird said the strike will continue until the workers get what they are look- ing for. No further talks have been arranged with management and pickets will continue at the gates Workers followed through three typical weeks of dical Lawyer-One Man's View of the $ 10.30 p.m. Birnberg challenges all the and police in Britain. 7.10 Film: 'Blackjack Ketchum.

Desperado'. 8.30 London. 11.55 Weather. HTV West as above except: 6.18 Report West. HTV Cymru/Wales as HTV Wales except: 10.30 Dan Sylw. HTV Wales as above except: 4.15 Miri Mawr. 6.01 Y Dydd. 11.25 Sion a Sian.

OF EMPLOYMENT

:203AE DA D

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.; per week no tops for pippline "vid sit mutine nard t me sort. The eight-page youth pape which leads the fight agains the Tory government, for th right to work, in factories schools and the dol queues. Please send me 'Keep Left' fe 1 enclose £2.86 Name Address cers Press, Tuesday June 20, 1972 PAGE 11 ANGLIA: 2.30 London. 3.15 By- gones. 3.45 Women. 4.10 News.

4.15 Mr Piper. 4.40 Enchanted house. 4.55 London. 6.00 About Anglia. 6.35 Crossroads. 7.00 Columbo. 8.30 London. 11.25 Jesse James. ATV MIDLANDS: 3.10 Good after- 3.35 Horoscope. 3.45 noon. Women. 4.10 Simon Locke. 4.40 Once upon a time. 4.55 London.

6.00 Today. 6.35 Crossroads. 7.00 Film: "The Young Land'. 8.30 London. 11.25 Who knows? ULSTER: 4.30 Romper room. 4.50 News. 4.55 London. 6.00 News. 6.10 Lidsville. 6.35 Crossroads.

"The 7.00 Film: Adventures Sherlock Holmes'. 8.30 London.

11.20 Dr Simon Locke. YORKSHIRE: 2.32 Good after- Master chefs. 3.15 noon. 3.00 Hadleigh. 4.10 News. 4.15 Cross- roads. 4.40 • Enchanted house. 4.55 London. 6.00 Calendar. 6.30 Hogan's heroes. 7.00 Film: "The Return of the Badmen'. 8.30 London. 11.20 Spyforce. 12.15 Weather. GRANADA: 2.35 Avengers. 3.30 in Camera Messengers. 3.55 action. 4.10 News. Peyton place.

4.40 Enchanted house. 4.55 Lon- don. 6.00 News. Put it in writing.

6.30 Set of six. 7.00 Film: 'Don't Bother to Knock'. 8.30 London.

11.30 Felony squad. TYNE TEES: 12.20 Mr Piper.

12.45 Bird's eye view. 1.10 Edgar Wallace. 2.05 Survival. 2.30 Good 3.00 afternoon. Master chefs. 3.15 Hadleigh. 4.10 News. 4.15 Crossroads._4.40 Sean. 4.55 Lon- Hogan's don. 6.00 Today. 6.30 heroes. 7.00 Popeye. 7.05 Film: 'Blackjack Ketchum, Desperado'.

8.30 London. 11.15 Double top.

is of 12.00 News. 12.15 Epilogue.

the • the SCOTTISH: 3.30 Origami. 3.45 Crossroads. 4.10 Dateline.

4.55 London. 6.00 Dateline. 6.20 Car- toon. 6.30 Hogan's heroes.

7.00 Swashbucklers. 8.30 Father, dear father. 9.00 London. 10.30 hum, Report. 11.30 Epilogue. 11.35 11.55 Drive-in.

GRAMPIAN: 3.38

News. 3.45 6.18 Women. 4.10 Nanny. 4.40 Once upon a time. 4.55 London. 6.00 /ales News. 6.05 Strictly Scottish. 6.35 Crossroads. 7.00 Film: 'Never 4.15 Put it in Writing'. 8.30 London.

11.25 11.25 Epilogue. THE Department of Employ- ment is openly engaged in re- cruiting old-aged pensioners on pittance wages. Workers Press has received a job card displayed by the department at one of its Mer- seyside branches. It offers £2.50 a week for someone to work a chipmaking machine on a part-time basis.

The card says: Would suit

OAP:

The job opportunity is located at Birkenhead, yet it was advertised by the DEP at Ellesmere A Workers Port. correspondent says the Press single bus fare from Ellesmere Port to Birkenhead is 18p- which means that the £2.50 wage won't go very far! This advertisement is a cruel sign of the times. It shows the vicious policies of the Tories the unemployed and towards the elderly.

A TE YOUNG

ASTO

Plenty of views and paper nows, jainst features at 3p a copy. r the Order your regular copy now.

Yearly subscription £2.86.

ories, Send to Koop Lott, dole 186a Clapham High St, London, SWA 7UG. ft' for one year

Bobbers take employers to Court Briefly...

PAGE 12 Workers Press, Tuesday June 2

BRITAIN'S

state airlines were badly hit in yesterday's anti-hijacking strike by pilots all over the world. After 154 out of 522 pilots failed to report for work, BEA were forced to cancel their whole network of internal flights.

Outgoing flights of BOAC were affected but flights from pro- vincial airports in Birmingham, Manchester and Prestwick went ahead after crews agreed to work normally. BEA said they were working hand to mouth. It is only 50 minutes before take off that we can say whether a flight will take place or not,' a spokesman said.

BEA were forced to cancel European services to Geneva, Vienna, Rome and Copenhagen and on other routes, where pas- senger loads were light, some flights were combined. Both Pan-Am and Trans World Airlines have injunctions prohi- biting pilots from taking part in the strike and reported normal London operations. But only two of 30 foreign airline flights had arrived at Heathrow by noon. Airports in the Irish Republic standstill. The were at a 282 pilots employed by Aer Lingus, who are members of the Irish Airline Pilots' Association, did not report for work and no com- pany aircraft took off from Dub- lin, Shannon or Cork airports. Three_trans-Atlantic flights from New York, Boston and Chicago landed at Dublin. THE NUMBER of ships laid-up in the world through lack of trade leapt to a record level of 4.95 million tons at the end of last month, according to figures released by Lloyds yesterday.

The 609 vessels compares with 586 laid up in April. They con- sist of 469 in the badly hit dry cargo field and 140 tankers. In total 2 per cent of the world's merchant fleet is idle in port.

In the UK, 35 ships totalling 495.000 tons were laid up at the end of May representing 2 per ront of the British merchant fleet. The 35 comprise of 25 dry cargo vessels and ten tankers.

The April's total was 37 totalling 469,000 tons. THE SPEAKER, Selwyn Lloyd, yesterday asked a Labour MP to withdraw the remark that Sir John Donaldson, president of the National Industrial Relations Court, was 'a disaster who should be removed'. 'You must withdraw. I think it is going too far to describe a High Court judge as a disaster.

It is totally out of place.'

The MP, Stan Orme, Salford West, amended his remarks to 'Sir John's decision was a national disaster'. He was referring to Donald- son's threat to jail three London dockers last week. Tom Price, Labour Westhough- ton, said the government's policy had only exacerbated 'this in- sane dispute. It is only my natural courtesy which prevents me from saying you should get stripped he told Macmillan. In reply Macmillan said: • I think events have shown that should it in no circumstances [the Act] be repealed.' It had brought the container dispute out into the open and 'as a result a major step forward had been taken in the setting up of the Aldington-Jones com- mittee. day June 20, 1972 FOUR HULL 'bobbers'—men who i from trawlers-took their employe National Industrial Relations Cou day. The men are all members of th and Municipal Workers' Union. T that mechanized means of unl board a new vessel, 'C.S. Forrester',

BY OUR OWN REPORTER

CALLS FOR the immedi- ate recall of the TUC and for a General Strike were issued in Liverpool yesterday as dockers there voted - with those in most other ports - to return to work today. The resolution put from the national stewards' com- mittee in every port described the lifting of the jail threat from the three London stew- ards as 'one of the greatest victories in this country in industrial history. It pledged that dockers would strike if any other trade unionist in whatever industry was jailed by the National Industrial Re- lations Court. Meetings were also told that 'blacking' against action con-

WEATHER

EASTERN districts will begin bright with sunny periods but cloudy weather with occasional rain, already over Ireland, will move east across all districts dur- ing the day. Brighter, drier weather with clear spells and scat- sunny or tered showers will follow the rainbelt, but the clearance is not expected to reach the east coast of England until after midnight.

Temperatures will be near nor- mal in the east but it will be rather cold elsewhere. Outlook for Wednesday and Thursday: Continuing rather cool with sunny intervals and showers which may be rather frequent and heavy, particularly in the northwest. Registered as a newspaper at the Post Office. Published by Workers Press 186a Clapham High Street, London.

SW4 7UG.

Printed by Plough Press Ltd. (TU).

180b Clapham High Street. London.

SW4 7UG.

en who unload fish ing their jobs. Th employers to the ment have been ions Court yester- three hours of announced that tl Our picture st ers of the General Union. They claim Maurice Owston, of unloading on (chairman of th orrester', is damag- Bartlett outside th tainer firms would continue, and if necessary be extended.

In Liverpool, Paddy Doherty, a shop steward from the Glad- terminal, said stone container a big fight for jobs lay ahead.

In pouring rain, 6,000 dockers crowded Liverpool's Pier Head for the meeting. Larry Cavanagh, a Birkenhead shop steward, said the lifting of the jail threat from • the three London stewards was a tribute to the strength of the working class, but also a condemnation of the weakness of national union leaders. 'We proved the government can be defeated, he said.

. The Tories have used the treachery of the leadership. We are not going to win this battle and allow the Tories to come back and hammer the working class later on. 'We must demand the recall of the TUC and demand General Strike to bring this government down. 'The working class has only begun to fight. That has been demonstrated to Jones. Now we have gained the initiative there must be no compromise.' Shop stewards' executive mem- ber Dennis Anderson attacked T&GWU secretary Jack Jones, and the TUC's Victor Feather, for their policies of conciliation.

He also called for a recalled

TUC.

In LONDON, a meeting of about 1,000 dockers at Tower Hill voted overwhelmingly for the national recommendation. They were urged by Bernie Steer, one of the three stewards who had been threatened with continuation of jail. for the blacking action. 'Back to Chobham Farm until our men are in there,' he said.

When the NIRC had issued jail the its threat to three dockers, Steer told the meeting, its 'course and motive' had be- come clear. But the stewards had always known that the real victory would be in not going to prison. The reason for the victory was jobs. They also claim that manage- ve been using the equipment. After urs of private discussion it was ed that the dispute had been settled.

left to right): icture shows (from Owston, Arthur Mosley, T. A. Cone n of the committee) and Arthur utside the court. not that Sir John Donaldson had the law, acted out of line with . but that the Cabinet had not expected the size of the dockars' response and had forced been to rethink 'On Friday morning, when we were asked by the TUC to appeal, how right we were to refuse,' Steer continued, 'be- of our not cause as a result compromising, a few hours later the victory was ours.' At HULL, dockers will return tomorrow, but at the same time they will consider extending their blacking campaign to in- clude two old-established port employers. Walter Cunningham, leader of the stewards' committee, said the firms were Arnold Laver, timber importers, and John Gord, which handles general cargo.

This latest move is because stewards believe the two firms are building premises outside the dock area and are not keeping to registered dock labour in the new premises. stewards want further The information and it is likely that talks will be held before a final decision on extending. the blacking. SOUTH WALES dockers-about 1,500 in all, working at Cardiff and Newport-met and decided to return to work immediately.

ADVANCE NOTICE

Socialist Labour League Public

DON'T LET THE DOCKERS FI

DEFEND BASIC DEMOCRATIC

MAKE THE TORY GOVERNME

SUNDAY JULY 2, 7 p.m. Acton Town Hall, Acton High Street, W3. Speakers will include G. H Secretary), S. HANNIGAN (L Corin Redgrave. WATER CANNONS have been used against old, ill, homeless men and women sleeping under the bridge at Charing Cross, it was claimed yesterday. Tory Sec- retary for Socia Services Si Keith Joseph has been asked to hold an inquiry. Before joining the Heath Cabinet Joseph was leading director of the Bovis which construction groups increased profits by 35 percent to £45m last year. Chairman is the Earl of Albermarle. SCOTT LITHGOW group and Scotts' engineering shop work- ers at Port Glasgow went on an official 750-strong : strike yester- day over a claim for more pay and longer holidays. BRIAN FAULKNER, former Ulster premier, yesterday praised members of the Social Democra- tic and Labour Party who 'seemed to be less prisoners of their own propaganda now than they have been. I hope they will get massive support from their for further more constituents useful moves. He was speaking at a lunch in London organized by the right-wing Tory Society for Individual Freedom which was involved in bringing charges against _ Young Liberal leader Peter Hain. TALKS to work a new negotiat- ing procedure at Chrysler's Cox- entry factory began yesterday. Meanwhile 7,000 GEC workers in the city withdrew their threat of an overtime ban after manage- ment offered new talks over a claim for a pay rise. ROLLS-ROYCE aero-engine fac- tory laid off 1,000 more than workers at Hillington, Glasgow, last night. The management said this was because of a ten-day strike by 124 turbine blade polishers over a grading dispute.

The 1,099 men hit work in the compressor blade section. There are 4,500 production workers at the factory. The company said been 'no progress' in there had their talks with union officials.

Scottish plants were now work- ing on a 'day to day basis'.

IRAQI lawyer and journalist, Yahya Qassim (56), was yester- day found not guilty at the Old Bailey of attempting to murder General Abdul Razzak-al-Naif, Iraq. former Prime Minister of He was discharged. TWENTY-ONE more commercial radio stations throughout Britain announced yesterday by were Sir John Eden, Minister of Posts and Telecommunications. The first ten will be at Liverpool, Tyneside, Swansea, Sheffield, Plymouth, Edinburgh, Ports- mouth, Bradford, Ipswich and Nottingham. Altogether stations have been planned.

ULSTER supremo William White- law again met John Hulme and Paddy Devlin, Social Democratic Labour Party members, yester- They had already met in day. London last Thursday. After the three hour 'peace talks' the two SDLP men said: 'We believe we have made real progress today.'

They had particularly raised prisoners problems of political and were satisfied progress was made on this. WORKERS who have been sitting in for 11 weeks at Metalbox in Timperley will not resume nego- tiations with the employers until July 5. They have already re- fused a £2.50 offer made last Friday. THE SIT-IN at Hawker Sidde- ley, Woodford, Cheshire, ended last Friday with the acceptance of management's £2.50 offer plus an extra day's holiday this year and next year. • Public Meeting

KERS FIGHT ALONE

CRATIC RIGHTS

VERNMENT RESIGN

• G. HEALY (SLL National GAN (London • YS Secretary),