Workers Press no. 70

workers press The daily organ of the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League

• PUBLISHED FROM TUESDAY TO SATURDAY

NUMBER 70

TUESDAY, JANUARY 6, 1970

PRICE 6d.

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER

Vietnam 'radio revolt' Vietnam and union Briefly democracy Workers Then ador

MORE U.S. TROOPS

breakdowr act now! Talk: The than £1,000-a-yeat €100 in • on maximum scease and those 'LABOUR' TREASURY chief Mr Roy Jenkins is currently in the United States blazing a trail

TO BE DISCIPLINED

for Wilson's planned visit there later this month.

ive refused to take part.

Today, Jenkins addresses the British - American Wale Stop Wilson's Chamber of Commerce in Chicago and he will later visit to Nixon this week pay private visits to bankers and financiers TWO AMERICAN soldiers were suspended from York Playwright and in New

DENIES

DEAL:

What Francisco. their duties in Saigon yesterday and face possible South The treatment The is clearly in- Vietnamese civilians by US court martial after one of them-a newscaster on the with President Nasse Alan Plater tenaca Lo cut a casa

BY JOHN SPENCER

imperialism nas brought every seculon or cabinsi think American Forces Vietnam Network - denounced creasing opposition from wear deal, America troops in Vietnam, including censorship in the course of a broadcast late on ms Gain general secretary broadcasters, clam The wage censorship by army hierarchy.

Signs Sunday night. a Baress his mem The soldier, Corporal Robert Lawrence, abandoned fight needs his prepared script and told his television audience: petition We have i ace pared he to he been and I probably trouble for telling foot AFVN and other stations under stop censorship at revolution- I have found that a newscaster at AFVN is not

TELEVISION

playwright by the Port Talbot men. Alan Plater- hree to ten te truen. Writers'

NO SECRET

ined the His wards As our Souts Wes of writers opporting the on the South inham Boverh Wilson's US visit by Stup employment for steelworker leadership demanding that i o the ined peasant does not lake place Telegraphists are being brutally slaughtere today submit a new ananamens in the ver still not 222- caim to une priusa sae- shown secret meant as a complete era rse.

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BIRMINGHAM'S

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NOT RELATED

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• PAGE FOUR COL. 1

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WORKERS PRESS

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KEEP LEFT. WEEKEND RALLY

DEMONSTRATION

• Stop Wilson's visit to Washington East India Hall 8 p.m.-I1 p.m. Saturday and Sunday, January 10 and 1l The Crescendos The Element of Truth For the defeat of US imperialism steelworks in Vietnam pation dl200. Special Sunday, January 11, 1970 at a public meeting

REFUSED

Long John ASSEMBLE: Speakers' Corner (Marble Arch), A leading member this Baldry committer 11 2 P.M. eight See the film of the first issue being prepared and appearance strike

KEEP LEFT INVES ALLIS READERS TO THE

printed and the film Young Socialists, 1969'

MARCH:

via Oxford Street, Regent Street, petition Trafalgar Square past Downing Street.

ANNUAL GENERAL

Sunday January 25, 2-30 p.m.

MEETING: 4 PM

MEETING

Corporation's are those Town Hall, High Street

FILM MAKING AND THE

Lyceum Ballroom, ' proposals near Aldwych Wilson's visit to Washington Speakers:

YOUNG SUCIALISIS

Saturday, January 10 2.30 p.m. Speakers wild clude

SHEILA TORRANCE

East India Hall, East India Dock Road Ceo from the Me (National secretary of the loung socialists, T&GWU shop London, E.14

MIKE BANDA

Stean Thornett (right) Sunday January 11, 9.30 a.m.

«HoTor of workers Pressi centoicial earer

CLASSIC CINEMA, POND STREET

Details from 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4

G. HEALY

syndicalist Young Socialist National Speaking Contest

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lickers for the whole weekend 1zs bo

• PAGE FOUR COL. 1 →

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workers press The daily organ of the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League PRICE 6d. Vietnam 'radio revolt' Vietnam and union Briefly democracy Workers

TEACHERS

TO

STRIKE:

MORE U.S. TROOPS

act now! yesterday afternoon. The new oft earning less given 'LABOUR' TREASURY chief Mr Roy Jenkins scale 680 is currently in the United States blazing a trail that the m's ce shoul

TO BE DISCIPLINED

for Wilson's planned visit there later this month.

have refused to take part Today, Jenkins addresses Tane Chamber of Commerce in Stop Wilson's Schoolmasters. uncaro and ne wu lace visit to Nixon this week pay private visits IWO AMERICAN soldiers were suspended from to bankers nancien Playwright New York and San

DENIES

DEA L

Paris What sources Francisco their duties in Saigon yesterday and face possible South Cairo Test France ports Trou "The treatment or to cut a The is clearly in Vietnamese civilians by court martial after one of them-a newscaster on the President Nasser on dash with imperialism has brought in- Alan Plater

BY JOHN SPENCER

think American Forces Vietnam Network - denounced from opposition Creasing troops in Vietnam, censorship in the course of a broadcast late on broadcasters, who claim The wage censorship by army hierarchy.

Signs Sunday night.

HUSAK UNDER PRESSURE:

The soldier, Corporal Robert Lawrence, abandoned his prepared script and told his television audience: fight needs petition "We have been sumoressed and am trouble for i at and oh to tato get me al revolution- I have found that a newscaster at AFVN is not

TELEVISION

playwright movements free to tell the truth. Plater-a member the Writers'

NO SECRET

roimed the growing numbe As our South Wal ary of writers and intellectuals maried semes, no set than a march was brutally 222 1s another Blow st Nixons the South Vietnam govern- A for steelworker arantine stalin Workers Novoty-type regime war policy So here is the line-up. Telegraphists still not shown secret inquiry Inquiry report • 1s tnus nearly da i ends London telegraph se amen's last increase was E. European coal to 200 more and children. Of use break miners' strike Roupeak, seletary March 16, branch, told the Workers atures. press By a foreign corresponden snot the overseas co- tool A SERIOUS coal crisis is building up in Spain a result • the miners in the state-subsidized Hunosa at member day and or a strike or o,00u US later this week. mine. part or ine Asturlas coamera.

Thousands of other miners are expected to join the strike Fight the T.U.C. guidelines days.

NAD AS IS

in lne next lew

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• PAGE FOUR COL.

• PAGE FOUR COL. 1 →

veniche Today, a Faced with a national fuel yworkers WILd polifica 2621

WORKERS PRESS

Stalinist easterr foundation strike of Govan

DANCE IN THE EVENING

DEMONSTRATION

South Wales correspondent is

KEEP LEFT. WEEKEND RALLY

as prepared by • Stop Wilson's visit to Washington prepared East India Hall 8 p.m.-11 p.m. Saturday and Sunday, January 10 and Il The Crescendos The Element of Truth For the defeat of US imperialism the Mariam steelworks at 4 for 16 hire-colour pages an octal in Vietnam newspaper Seling at a circulation of youth paper in Special Sunday, January 11, 1970

REFUSED

at a public meeting ong John bour movement today. om mittee romment in. ASSEMBLE: Speakers' Corner (Marble Arch), this Baldry See the film of the first issue being prepared and appearance 2 P.M.

KEEP LEFT INVITES ALL ITS READERS TO THE

sign the Worker Pes peon printed and the film 'Young Socialists, 1969'

MARCH:

via Oxford Street, Regent Street, Trafalgar Square past Downing Street.

Aards same me only

ANNUAL GENERAL

Sunday January 25, 2-30 p.m.

stewards Primpled streetsi

MEETING: 4 PM

MEETING

Town Hall, High Street

FILM MAKING AND THE

Lyceum Ballroom, sons can as Washin

ACTON

near Aldwych Wilson's visit to

YOUNG SOCIALISTS

Docakers • Saturday, January 10 2.30 p.m. Seekers will clude

SHEILA TORRANCE

A colncidence East India Hall, East India Dock Road bitter (National Secretary of the Young Socialists) T&GWU shop mine and men to e London,

MIKE BANDA

stean Thornett (right) Sunday January 11, 9.30 a.m.

(Editor of Workers Press) centris noificial leader

POND STREET

Details from 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4

CLASSIC CINEMA,

G. HEALY

Tickets for the whole weekend 12s 6d Young Socialist National Speaking Contest

HAMPSTEAD, LONDON, N.W.3

(National Secretary of Socialist Labour League)

PAGE FOUR COL. T-_

THE FINAL PART OF CLIFF SLAUGHTER'SREPLY TO HALLAS

PAGE TWO

HALLAS and

WHEN

the 'state capitalists' the Socialist accuse Labour League of cling- ing dogmatically to the supposedly outworn pro- gramme upon which the Fourth International was founded, they claim that we are in difficulties par- ticularly because the role of the Stalinist bureau- cracy has been quite dif- ferent from that foreseen by Trotsky. There is, in fact, a trick, complete deceptiveness, about this argument. How- ever, the trick is not JUST a trick. We shall find that Hallas's argument can be stood on its head precisely because of the CLASS posi- tion of the whole 'state capitalist' ('International So- cialism') tendency. Baldly stated, Hallas's case is this: Trotsky in 1938 con- sidered the Stalinist bureau- cracy in the USSR to be a bankrupt and parasitic caste; the consequences of their rule would be either the restoration of capitalism in Russia, with one wing of the bureaucracy openly encour- aging this, or else their poli- tical overthrow by the work- ing class. In point of fact, says Hallas: 'The USSR emerged from the war stronger than ever, with the bureaucracy firmly in the saddle on the basis of nationalized industry. Worse, it expanded, and imposed regimes on the Russian model in eastern Europe and North Korea; effectively liquidating the former ruling classes of these countries. In Yugoslavia and Albania local Communist took and Parties power created regimes indistinguish- able in structure from Stalinist model. A little later thing happened in the same China and then in North Vietnam.' Hallas concludes therefore: *These developments under- mined the perspectives of the Fourth International. It had been founded the twin on assumptions that events would shortly sweep away the old mass parties, whether Stalinist or Social-Democratic, and that in any case the Stalinist Com- Parties could munist not achieve a revolutionary trans- formation of society' 'Deformed' What was the position actu- ally adopted by the Fourth International on abolition of capitalist and landed property in eastern Europe and China?

After considerable study and discussion of what were in fact much more contradictory processes than the description given by Hallas would suggest, Fourth International the characterized the new systems in these countries as 'deformed workers' states'. The state property in these countries, as of the USSR, against must defended imperialism; but that very defence implied of course an international struggle against the Stalinist bureaucracy, in- cluding the fight for political revolution to overthrow it in these very states. Hallas tries to say that this In Yugoslavia communist partisans led the 1 occupation forces and eventually establisher under the leadership of Tito. These gains w not as Hallas claims by the bueaucracy, but of the working class. conclusion was some fantastic contortion, to make awkward facts fit dogmatic theories.

He forgets that already in 1940, only a few months after Transitional Programme, Trotsky had to anticipate a similar development in the wake of the Soviet occupation of eastern Poland under the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Trotsky was well aware that if the Soviet bureaucracy in the occupied territories expro- priated the capitalists and landowners, it would do so only to preserve and extend the social basis of its own rule, collective state property, and not because of any adherence ' of th to socialist programme. At the same time the de- fence of the new state property against capitalist attack a would be obligatory for the working class. For Trotsky another con- sideration was the key to this whole pattern: "The primary political cri- terion for us is not the trans- formation of property rela- Trotsky stressed that the Soviet occupation to preserve the social basis of the bureaucra tions in this or another area, however important these may be in themselves, but rather the change in the conscious- ness and organization of the world proletariat, the raising of their capacity • for defend- ing former conquests and ac- complishing new ones. From this one, and the only decisive standpoint, the politics of whole, Moscow, taken as a completely retains its reac- tionary character and remains the chief obstacle on the road to world revolution' ('In De- fence of Marxism', p. 23).

Just as we saw on the ques- tion of the economic prospects of capitalism, Hallas cannot even approach this all-round dialectical, 'contradictory' ap- proach. him, the bureaucracy For and the Stalinist Parties after 1945 'achieved a revolutionary of society' in transformation the sense of instituting prop- erty forms of the Soviet type.

The fact that these transfor- mations came about as part of an international counter-revo- lutionary political post-war settlement in which the Com- munist Parties of the advanced countries played the major role in restoring the capitalist social order--this is, for Hal- las, irrelevant! (See article three in this series.) But if Hallas had chosen the above quotation from Trotsky as his base-line to see if Trot- sky's revolutionary foresight was generally correct, he would artisans led the fight against Hitler's tually established a government o. These gains were made possible bueaucracy, but by the upsurge have been obliged to conclude that it was. had con- 'we tinued, 1939, must foremost establish first and that the extension of the ter- ritory dominated by bureau- cratic autocracy and parasit- ism, cloaked by socialist can augment the measures, prestige of the Kremlin, en- gender illusions concerning the possibility of replacing the proletarian revolution by bureaucratic manoeuvres, and so on. This evil far outweighs the progressive content of in Poland' Stalinist reforms (Ibid., pp. 23-24. My empha-

SIS).

From the Marxist standpoint international socialist of the revolution, therefore, the strug- gle to resolve the crisis of working-class leadership is a higher consideration than the change in property relations, however vast or important, in a particular area. But for Hallas and the 'In- ternational Socialism' group, the nationalized property rela- tions in eastern Europe and oviet occupation of Poland expropriated the capitalists of the bureaucracy's rule.

China are 'facts' from which we must deduce the strength- ening of the Stalinist bureau- cracy. The next step is to adapt to that strength. As we saw in earlier articles, the economic recovery of capi- talism after the Second World War was for these 'state capi- talists' a reason for drawing 'the revolu- the conclusion, tionary party cannot be built'.

Their view of the 'strength- ening' of Stalinism and Social- Democracy after the war drives them to the same conclusion.

If in recent years some socialists have been mystified by the close working relations from time to time between the Communist Party and 'Inter- Socialism', national they should now be able to under- stand that this has very long- established roots. Capitulation 'State capitalist' theories of the USSR appear to be much radically opposed to more Stalinism than is Trotskyism, because they call the Soviet bureaucracy a capitalist class.

But this is the key to the whole capitulation to Stalinism and reformism by the 'state capital- ist' tendency. devotes a certain Hallas amount of space to selected from the Fourth quotations International's documents on eastern Europe, but, once again in the perfect hypocritical and very British empiricist manner, he fails to mention the state capitalists' own views on these questions. He finds it possible, for ex- ample, to ignore completely the fact that the 'state capitalists' refused any defence of North Korea and China against US imperialism in 1950. A fundamental revision of Marxist theory is once again the key to Hallas's and the 'state capitalists' views on this question of Stalinism. Because they name the Stalinist bureau- cracy a new class, they are forced to certain conclusions.

the Marxist 'Classes' in view of history, are not acci- dental or transitory things, but historically necessary organs of definite stages in the develop- ment of human society. Trotsky, for this reason, re- jected all ideas that the Soviet bureaucracy was a new class.

On the contrary, they are a 'parasitic excrescence' on the first, isolated workers' state.

They do not have the his- torical mission of initiating and building a definite social-econ- omic system, but will be swept in the course of the away of period the international transition from capitalism to socialism. Thus we find that for all their supposed hostility to Stalinism, the state capitalists, through Hallas, quotes the fol- owing passage from Trotsky, and taxes the Socialist Labour with continuing League to

WORKERS' PRES

accept it when, after 1945, it emerg ceased to be true: "The bureaucracy which be- reactionary force in the UsSR cannot play came revolutionary the role on arena' (Transitional world Programme). The real position of the state capitalists therefore boils down to the following: in the USSR and those countries ruled by Stalinist Parties, the bureau- cracy is the revolutionary van- guard of a new social system (state capitalism); in the capi- talist countries, the 'permanent arms economy' thus stabilized the economy, made a prosper- ous working class the basis for a rebirth of reformism; both of these developments make non- sense of the revolutionary role of the working class in our era, and so the building of revolu- tionary parties and of the Fourth International impos- sible. Their criticism of the SLL is simply that the Trotskyists re- jected this empiricist rubbish, and fought determinedly, on d the capitalists and landlords only the basis of Marxist theory and programme, to defeat the reac- tionary Stalinist bureaucracy and the reformists, who liqui- dated revolutions and broke general strikes in one country atter another, who continue to suppress with violence every manifestation of opposition to Stalinism inside eastern Europe and the USSR-and to im- perialism throughout the world. Hallas will not, of course, discuss these basic questions of historical perspective. He pre- fers distorted quotation isolated 'fact' torn out of con- text. In order to show that Trot- sky's views were 'cataclysmic' -either capitalist counter- revolution or political revolu- tion now in the USSR-Hallas commits the following butch- ery, once again, on Trotsky's 'In Defence of Marxism'. 'Nor was this choice', says Hallas, 'one for the indefinite future. It was imminent. Writ- ing towards the end of 1939 "Might we Trotsky enquired, not place ourselves in a ludi- crous position if we affixed to the Bonapartist oligarchy [the Stalinist bureaucracy] the nomenclature of a new ruling class just a few years or even a few months prior to its in- glorious downfall." › (Hallas emphasises the last few words, though he does not make it clear that the emphasis is his and not Trotsky's.)

Hallas's purpose in making this quotation is to argue as follows: Trotsky was proved wrong, because the bureau- cracy carried on without either restoration or political revolu- but the SLL stuck to tion, Trotsky's line. Therefore they are dogmatic, etc. What is the truth? Is Hallas's quotation a proof that Trotsky thought the choice to be 'now or never', ', as Hallas put it? put the quotation in If we context, as we were compelled to do with Hallas's earlier quo- tations on the international perspectives, we find that what Hungarian workers tore down Stalin's sta crisis for the Stalinist Soviet bureaucracy.

'ORKERS' PRESS

emerges is the very opposite.

What is at stake is the whole meaning of historical perspec- and the way in which 'terminological experimenta- tion' like that of the state capitalists rejects Marxist per- spective. War, Trotsky wrote, then: 'Symptomatic of his on- agony, by the coming death sweep and monstrous fraudu- lence of his Stalin purge, testifies to nothing else but the incapacity of the bureau- cracy to transform itself into a stable ruling class. Might we not place ourselves in a position if ludicrous we affixed to the Bonapartist oli- garchy the nomenclature of a new ruling class just a few years or even months prior inglorious downfall? to its question clearly Posing this should alone in our opinion comrades from restrain our terminological experimentation and overhasty generalizations' ('In Defence of Marxism', P.

17). Even with the advantage of writing in 1969, hindsight, Hallas ignores the East Ger- man uprising of 1953, the Hun- garian Revolution and Polish revolt of 1956, and Czechoslo- vakia 1968, in assailing us with the 'strengthening' of Stalinism between 1945 and 1950! Thus he falls into exactly the trap pointed out by Trotsky.

No wonder he deliberately trimmed the quotation down to his own petty requirements.

The question of the histori- cal destiny and class character of the Stalinist bureaucracy is clearly not at all to separated from the whole his- torical nature of the present epoch of capitalist develop- ment. Precisely because the bureaucracy is a counter-revo- lutionary agency within the USSR, the great historical limit the upon its development is very nature of this historically imperialism doomed upon which it rests on one side.

And the instrument for exe- cuting the historical sentence upon imperialism, the revolu- tionary proletariat led by the Fourth International, is also the instrument for the removal of the bureaucracy. , Record The petty-bourgeois Hallas sees both capitalism and the bureaucracy as more powerful than the proletariat. Here then is the record of our 'state capitalist' critics.

From • 1946 to 1949, Tony Cliff and his supporters, im- with the pressed recovery made by capitalism thanks to the Stalinist counter-revolu- betrayals in Europe tionary and internationally, worked hand-in-glove with the empiri- cist Haston, who, like them, based himself on the capacity of capitalism to expand. This support for Haston, against the founders of the

SLL,

lasted until Haston's declaration for reformism and capitalism. Like Haston, they concluded that in these 'boom' condi- tions, backed by the supposed reinforcement of the Stalinist bureaucracy and its Parties, revolutionary parties 'could not be built' (Hallas, p. 27).

They capitulated to 'demo- cratic opinion and would not North Korea and support China against US imperialism.

They found in the impres- sionistic anti-Marxist and theory of the 'permanent arms economy' (see article three of this series) an excuse for ac- cepting the reformist theories of 'neo-capitalism'. (Hallas, p.

"theory' that Their the Soviet bureaucracy was a new ruling class, emerging greatly strengthened by Second the World War's aftermath, was followed by the onset of the ever-deepening crisis of Stalin- ism from 1953 until now. The state capitalists have collaborated, at one time or another, with every revisionist 'left' group, and also with the Labour and right-wing trade leaders, especially union against the Socialist Labour League. For all Hallas's critical refer- lown Stalin's statue in Budapest during the 1956 revo In 1956 300,000 Polish workers and soldier demanding an end to Stalinism.

ences to the Pabloite revision- ists, the fact is that the IS group collaborated to the hilt with them in the Vietnam Campaign, a sup- Solidarity posedly militant youth move- ment which only led thou- sands into an adventure from which nothing has emerged politically except disillusion and a heritage, which is now being cleared away only by the Socialist Labour League and the Workers Press (the 'Stop Wilson's Visit to Washington' campaign), of division between opposition to the Vietnam war and the working-class move- ment. In the Labour Party Young Socialists from 1960 to 1964, 'International Socialism' the similarly collaborated group with the Pabloites around their joint paper, 'Rebel'. The Labour Party bureau- crats never banned this paper.

They allowed it to continue g the 1956 revolution which created a severe kers and soldiers poured out into the streets of War as a counterweight to the banned 'Keep Left', the organ of the Trotskyist (SLL) faction which won the majority in the Young Socialists. IS members helped the right wing to expel 'Keep Left' sup- porters from the Labour Party.

At that time their argument were sectarian was that we and 'provocative' in bringing about a split between the Young Socialists and the Labour Party official machine, on the grounds that the Labour Party represented the mass of the working class. Only a few years later they left the Labour Party without a fight! had followed out the They logic of their rejection of the revolutionary role of the work- ing class, and devoted all their time and energy to the student and middle-class protest move- ment in VSC. They are perfectly capable Tuesday, January 6, 1970 e streets of Warsaw of another empirical leap back into the Labour Party and in- deed of any other turn. Their rejection of the con- tinuity of the struggle for Marxism, their opposition to the defence of past gains such as those of the October Revolution--these leave them open to such vacillations.

Just as the 'state capitalists' judgement on the recovery of post-war capitalism was super- ficial and false, so was their understanding of the changes in eastern Europe and China.

Lip-service In reference to western Europe, they pay lip-service to the counter-revolutionary role of Stalinism but then interpret the renewed accumulation of capital as a sign of a new development in capitalism it- self. When it comes to eastern Europe and China, they attri- bute the whole of the histori- cal gains made to the bureau- cracy! In point of fact, because the Communist Parties in these Stalinist countries were Parties, they tried to impose compromise solutions of the restoration of private property and of bourgeois parties for as long as possible even against the upsurge of the masses.

It was the objective proces- anticipated by already ses Trotsky which compelled the bureaucracy to carry through socialization process opened up by the war, its weakening of the bourgeoisie and the upsurge of the masses.

The bureaucracy was forced to extend the social-economic basis of what political strength it had in its counter-revolu- tionary position-and this social-economic basis was, with all the contradictions involved (and which burst forth violent- ly after 1953), the nationaliza- tion of the means of produc-

KERS' PRESS

it emerges is the very opposite.

What is at stake is the whole meaning of historical perspec- e- in which tives, and the way in experimenta- 'terminological he tion' like that of the state capitalists rejects Marxist per- spective. te Referring to Stalin's purges vn just before the Second World R War, Trotsky wrote, then: Dy 'Symptomatic of his on- u- coming death agony, by the n- sweep and monstrous fraudu- m lence of his Stalin purge, testifies to nothing else but nt the incapacity of the bureau- cracy to transform itself into a stable ruling class. Might we not place ourselves in a or position ludicrous we of affixed to the Bonapartist oli- n- garchy the nomenclature of le a new ruling class just a few months prior a, years or even its inglorious downfall? to U- Posing this question clearly he should alone in our opinion S- comrades from restrain our terminological experimentation is and overhasty generalizations' (In Defence of Marxism', p.

e- h, 17). with the advantage of on Even hindsight, writing in 1969, Hallas ignores the East Ger- man uprising of 1953, the Hun- garian Revolution and Polish revolt of 1956, and Czechoslo- vakia 1968, in assailing us with the 'strengthening' of Stalinism between 1945 and 1950! Thus he falls into exactly the trap pointed out by Trotsky.

No wonder he deliberately the quotation down trimmed to his own petty requirements.

The question of the histori- cal destiny and class character of the Stalinist bureaucracy is clearly not at all to be separated from the whole his- torical nature of the present epoch of capitalist develop- ment. Precisely because the bureaucracy is a counter-revo- lutionary agency within the USSR, the great historical limit upon its development is the very nature of this historically doomed imperialism upon which it rests on one side.

And the instrument for exe- cuting the historical sentence upon imperialism, the revolu- tionary proletariat led by the Fourth International, is also the instrument for the removal of the bureaucracy. nd Record 1C- су The petty-bourgeois Hallas лі- sees both capitalism and the ke bureaucracy as more powerful ry than the proletariat. to Here then is the record of ry our 'state capitalist' critics.

to From 1946 to 1949, Tony pe Cliff and his supporters, im- n- pressed with the recovery he made by capitalism thanks to the Stalinist counter-revolu- se, betrayals in Europe tionary of internationally, worked and re- hand-in-glove with the empiri- nd who, like them, cist Haston, based himself on the capacity n- of capitalism to expand. t- support for Haston, This ic' against the founders of the lasted until Haston's ст- SuL, 11- declaration for reformism and las capitalism. h- Like Haston, they concluded y's that in these 'boom' condi- tions, backed by the supposed ays reinforcement of the Stalinist ite bureaucracy and its Parties, rit- 'could revolutionary parties 39 not be built' (Hallas, p. 27).

we They capitulated to demo- di- to cratic opinion and would not the North Korea and support the China against US imperialism.

ing They found in the impres- ven sionistic and anti-Marxist in- theory of the 'permanent arms economy' (see article three of ast this series) an excuse for ac- cepting the reformist theories sis of 'neo-capitalism'. (Hallas, p.

31.) ing Their 'theory' that the as ed Soviet bureaucracy was a new ruling class, emerging greatly 1и- strengthened by the Second ler World War's aftermath, lu- was followed by the onset of the to ever-deepening crisis of Stalin- ley ism from 1953 until now. s's state capitalists have The ky collaborated, at one time or another, with every revisionist OW "left' group, and also with the in right-wing Labour and trade leaders, especially led union against the Socialist Labour 10- nal League. For all Hallas's critical refer- hat • Stalin's statue in Budapest during the 1956 revc ureaucracy. In 1956 300,000 Polish workers and soldier demanding an end to Stalinism.

ences to the Pabloite revision- ists, the fact is that the IS group collaborated to the hilt with them in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, a sup- posedly militant youth move- which only led thou- ment sands into an adventure from nothing has emerged which politically disillusion except and a heritage, which is now being cleared away only by the Socialist Labour League and the Workers Press (the 'Stop Wilson's Visit to Washington' campaign), of division between opposition to the Vietnam war and the working-class move- ment. In the Labour Party Young Socialists from 1960 to 1964, Socialism' the 'International • similarly collaborated group with the Pabloites around their joint paper, 'Rebel'. The Labour Party bureau- crats never banned this paper.

They allowed it to continue .. ag the 1956 revolution which created a severe kers and soldiers poured out into the streets of War: counterweight to the as a banned 'Keep Left', the organ of the Trotskyist (SLL) faction which won the majority in the Young Socialists. IS members helped the right wing to expel 'Keep Left' sup- porters from the Labour Party.

At that time their argument that we were sectarian was and 'provocative' in bringing about a split between the Young and the Socialists Labour Party official machine, on the grounds that the Labour Party represented the mass of the working class. Only a few years later they left the Labour Party without a fight! They had followed out the logic of their rejection of the revolutionary role of the work- ing class, and devoted all their time and energy to the student and middle-class protest move- ment in VSC. They are perfectly capable Tuesday, January 6, 1970 • streets of Warsaw of another empirical leap back into the Labour Party and in- deed of any other turn. Their rejection of the con- tinuity of the struggle for Marxism, their opposition to the defence of past gains such as those of the October Revolution -these leave them open to such vacillations.

Just as the 'state capitalists' judgement on the recovery of post-war capitalism was super- ficial and false, so was their understanding of the changes in eastern Europe and China.

Lip-service In reference to western sign development in capitalism it- self. In point of fact, because thi Communist Parties in thes were solutions of the and of bourgeois parties for as long as possible even against It was the objective proces ses already anticipated by compelled the Trotsky which bureaucracy to carry through the socialization process opened up by the war, veakening of the bourgeoisi and the upsurge of the masses The bureaucracy was forced to extend the social-economic basis of what political strength it had in its counter-revolu- tionary position-and this social-economic basis was, with all the contradictions involvec (and which burst forth violent ly after 1953), the nationaliza- tion of the means of produc- Tuesday, January 6, 1970 tion by military-bureaucratic means. Trotskyism itself, after the ranks of departure from its state capitalists like Mr Tony Cliff, was to experience its most important split over this very question. Michel Pablo and the majority of the International Secretariat, particularly Ernest Germain (Mandel) and Pierre Frank, had, by 1952, conclu- ded, like Hallas, that Stalinism had been proved capable of bringing about the overthrow of capitalist power. followed that the de- It formed workers' states already set up were the pattern of the future. Through political struggles in each capitalist country con- sequent upon a Third • World lallas ignores the fact that the 'state capit gainst US imperialism in 1950. Above: War between the USA and the the Stalinist Parties

USSR,

would take state power and "centuries institute of de- formed workers' states' In Britain, long before Mr Tony Cliff and his friends allied with the Pabloites in 1960-1964 and then in 1968, the Pablo tendency was led in by John Lawrence, Britain who, in the manner of Haston, took only a short time to draw logical conclusion the Pablo's argument: he joined the Stalinist Party and aban- doned Trotskyism. The SLL's history is not at all what Hallas makes it out to be: a frantic repetition of Trotsky's words and a hectic activity to keep up with the members' spirits, accompanied by ritualistic denunciations of tendencies as revision- other ists. Definite The SLL today is the pro- duct of definite political strug- gles against the reformist and empiricist (majority) tendency of Haston and his centrist sup- porters, against the 'state capi- talists' of the present 'Inter- national Socialism' group, and against the Pabloite revision- ism, which continued the em- piricist method of the earlier tendencies on an international scale. That struggle was not com- pleted in 1953 with the split which followed the formation of the International Committee (IC), but culminated in the theoretical and political strug- gles of the IC against the lead- ership of the Socialist Workers' Party (USA) in 1961-1963.

In the course of this con- tinuous struggle, since the foundation of the Fourth In- ternational in 1938, the Trot- skyists in Britain, since 1959 organized in the Socialist Labour League, have had to develop from a position where they inevitably carried into the movement a stress on tactical and organizational consider- ations typical of the British labour movement. In the course of struggle always to turn towards the working class, always to carry forward the continuity of Marxist theory and pro- gramme, and to grasp the im- plications of dialectical mater- ialism, it has been possible to lay the political foundations of a revolutionary party proceed- ing from principles. shown, for We have eX- ample, that the state capitalists who now criticize us divided from us on precisely such issues, in order to retain a relation of opportunist adapta- tion to the bourgeois politics of reformism. We do not approach our 'normative' history with the method of Hallas and Cliff: that there were always those with 'correct' estimates and perspectives and others who made mistakes. We consider that derives from strength two sources: first the correct basic perspective on the nature of epoch as that of the this socialist revolution, in contin- t the 'state capitalists' refused to support the North Kr | 1950. Above: US troops retreat from the North.

uity with Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky; and the learning of a Marxist method of build- ing the party and correcting mistakes always from the standpoint of the objective re- quirements of the working class within the framework of the general perspective of the struggle for power. Thus the most important single step in the history of the present SLL leadership is not even mentioned by Hallas.

During the Second World War, the necessary formation of a united organization of all Trotskyists in Britain (1944) required the acknowledgement that in 1938 it had been a serious error to oppose such unification. That unification had been recommended by the Inter- national, but was rejected on all sorts of plausible political and organizational grounds by the present SLL leadership.

To set aside all these criteria and to approach them from the standpoint of initiating a strug- gle of tendencies on a prin- cipled basis, tested out in an orientation towards the work- ing class: this set the Trotsky- ist movement on the course it it now treading. The historical incidents selected and distorted by Hal- las are torn from this context.

It is only the bankruptcy of their own position, and the threat instituted by the SLL and the Workers Press, which has forced discussion on these historical questions, and all Big recruitment drives were made by the B fight for recognition in the docks. This and in that period were a powerful factor in the the discussion reveals is the the l same political bankruptcy.

Thus, on the effect of the Pablo-Lawrence (pro-Stalinist) line in the Trotskyist move- ment and the paper 'Socialist Outlook', Hallas summarises tersely: 'The line of the "Socialist Outlook" indistin- became guishable from that of the 'Daily Worker". The two fac- tions formally split in Novem- ber 1953; soon after the Healy group regained control of the paper, six months later, the Labour Party banned it Lawrence and his friends joined the Communist Party' (Hallas, p. 30). Eventually, * ... The Group (the Trotskyists) was reduced in numbers to much the same strength as they had had at the time of entry (into the Labour Party) six years earlier.' It is impossible for Hallas to understand that it is pre- cisely in the struggle against reaction, revisionism, capitula- tion to Stalinism, etc., in such periods, that the revolutionary party is built. Political experience and the development theory can come about only in such strug- gles, in which the quintessence of the class tendencies pro- duced by capitalist develop- ment are distilled It is this qualitative develop- ment, and not any question of numbers, which is decisive our - (quite apart from the fact that the Haston tendency and the Lawrence tendency disappear- ed from the Trotskyist move- ment without trace, as did Hal- las himself. ort the North Koreans' struggle strength • he racer Cris!: of Stalinism between connection thi Le and Pablo! the Come it ay, all. was in as wer Pablo's followers several countries. i am an the History records Salidst bureaucracy rom the way to struggle against 1t his surence a i to the Comt- moved, nad munist party. Labour Pare grave losse throug libel (1955 Why then, did the Trotsky ists make all the gains in 1956?

Because the capitulalon Stalinism (like awrenc that earlier by on behalta ect to an nd did not frighten away an 'lefts'. Socialist whích hao a Trotskyist basis, and rallied

BIRKENHEAD

"RANCH: NAS.D

the best of the left to do anned ader ab apolitically swar ker Hallas ca give no F all sing tor class, that 1956 brought cer- tain gains tween T9i4 and 1956, Hallas, • be- cohesion retained its nd waited for better days around recognition Blue Union was once again factor in building a powerful was constructed. be left out. should not Basic mistake He refers enorrespondence 'International') to the fact that people like Mrs bessie brad- were al umes involved on ealtorlal boards along will Trotskyists. Quite apart from Challinor's Young • Socialists in the prin of the vicious right wing witch hunt making, in ns own crude way same basic mistake Outlook on the the state capitalists broke with Trotskyism: anti-communism shape in the or ine korean war. She denounced us agents supported Nor Korea against example chat behind the in res in ale state a real politics the create state capitalist tries create is, in actstorica historical ceptance mustincation or stalinism For these reasons it collab.

heir latest attacks have no other, more weient than any examination them bank- das reveaitu me stale ruptcy they have reached.

Tuesday, January 6, 1970 tion by military-bureaucratic means. Trotskyism itself, after the ranks of departure from its state capitalists like Mr Tony Cliff, experience its was to most important split over this very question. Michel Pablo and the majority • of the International Secretariat, particularly Ernest Germain (Mandel) and Pierre Frank, had, by 1952, conclu- ded, like Hallas, that Stalinism had been proved capable of bringing about the overthrow of capitalist power. followed It that the de- formed workers' states already set up were the pattern of the future. Through political struggles in each capitalist country con- sequent upon a Third World Hallas ignores the fact that the 'state capit against US imperialism in 1950. Above: War between the USA and the USSR, the Stalinist Parties would take state power and institute 'centuries of de- formed workers' states'. In Britain, - long before Mr Tony Cliff and his friends allied with the Pabloites in 1960-1964 and then in 1968, the Pablo tendency was led in Britain by John Lawrence, who, in the manner of Haston, took only a short time to draw the logical conclusion of Pablo's argument: he joined the Stalinist Party and aban- doned Trotskyism. The SLL's history is not at all what Hallas makes it out to be: a frantic repetition of Trotsky's words and a hectic activity to keep up with the members' spirits, accompanied by ritualistic denunciations of other tendencies as revision- ists. Definite The SIL today is the pro- duct of definite political strug- gles against the reformist and empiricist (majority) tendency of Haston and his centrist sup- porters, against the 'state capi- talists' of the present Inter- national Socialism' group, and against the Pabloite revision- ism, which continued the em- piricist method of the earlier tendencies on an international scale. That struggle was not com- pleted in 1953 with the split which followed the formation of the International Committee (IC), but culminated in the theoretical and political strug- gles of the IC against the lead- ership of the Socialist Workers' Party (USA) in 1961-1963.

In the course of this con- tinuous struggle, the since foundation of the Fourth In- ternational in 1938, the Trot- skyists in Britain, since 1959 organized in Socialist Labour League, have had to develop from a position where they inevitably carried into the movement a stress on tactical and organizational consider- ations typical of the British labour movement. In the course of struggle always to turn towards the working class, always to carry forward the continuity of Marxist theory and pro- gramme, and to grasp the im- plications of dialectical mater- ialism, it has been possible to lay the political foundations of a revolutionary party proceed- ing from principles. We have shown, for ex- ample, that the state capitalists who now criticize us divided from us on precisely such issues, in order to retain a relation of opportunist adapta- tion to the bourgeois politics of reformism. We do not approach our history with the 'normative' method of Hallas and Cliff: that there were always those with 'correct estimates and perspectives and others who made mistakes. We consider that our strength derives from two sources: first the correct basic perspective on the nature of this epoch that of the as socialist revolution, in contin- t the 'state capitalists' refused to support the North K | 1950. Above: US troops retreat from the North.

uity with Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky; and the learning of a Marxist method of build- ing the party and correcting mistakes always from the standpoint of the objective re- working quirements of the class within the framework of the general perspective of the struggle for power. important Thus the most single step in the history of the present SLL leadership is not even mentioned by Hallas.

During the Second World War, the necessary formation of a united organization of all Trotskyists in Britain (1944) required the acknowledgement that in 1938 it had been a error to oppose such serious unification. That unification had been recommended by the Inter- national,• but was rejected on all sorts of plausible political and organizational grounds by the present SLL leadership.

To set aside all these criteria and to approach them from the standpoint of initiating a strug- gle of tendencies on prin- a cipled basis, tested out in an orientation towards the work- ing class: this set the Trotsky- ist movement on the course it it now treading. The historical incidents selected and distorted by Hal- las are torn from this context.

It is only the bankruptcy of position, and the their own threat instituted by the SLL and the Workers Press, which has forced discussion on these historical questions, and all Big recruitment drives were made by the 'B fight for recognition in the docks. This and in that period were a powerful factor in the the discussion reveals is the the l same political bankruptcy.

Thus, on the effect of the Pablo-Lawrence (pro-Stalinist) line in the Trotskyist move- ment and the paper Socialist Outlook', Hallas summarises tersely: 'The line of the "Socialist Outlook" became indistin- guishable from that of the 'Daily Worker". The two tac- tions formally split in Novem- ber 1953; soon after the Healy group regained control of the paper, six months later, the Labour Party banned it and his Lawrence friends joined the Communist Party' (Hallas, p. 30). •. The Group Eventually, '. (the Trotskyists) was reduced in numbers to much the same strength as they had had at the time of entry (into the Labour Party) Six years earlier' It is impossible for Hallas to understand that it is pre- cisely in the struggle against reaction, revisionism, capitula- tion to Stalinism, etc., in such periods, that the revolutionary party is built. Political experience and the development theory can come about only in such strug- gles, in which the quintessence of the class tendencies pro- duced by capitalist develop- ment are distilled. It is this qualitative develop- ment, and not any question of numbers, is decisive which (quite apart from the fact that the Haston tendency and the Lawrence tendency disappear- ed from the Trotskyist move- ment without trace, as did Hal- las himself). ort the North Koreans' struggle

WORKERS' PRES

So that, when Hallas goes on only three paragraphs later to indicate Trotskyism's accession of strength from the crisis of Stalinism in 1956, he traces no connection between this and against the struggle Lawrence and Pablo! Lawrence, after all, was in the Communist Party, as were Pablo's followers in several countries. History records no gains whatsoever for them from the 1956 crisis of Stalinism . .

because, of course, they were prepared politically only to provide a justification for the Stalinist bureaucracy, and in start from the way to no struggle against it. Lawrence had moved, with his supporters, into the Com- munist Party. The Group, now in the SLL leadership, found its paper banned by the Labour Party and subjected to grave losses through legal action for a libel (1955). Why then, did the Trotsky- ists make all the gains in 1956?

Because the capitulation to Stalinism by Lawrence (like that earlier by Tony Cliff) was a blow struck on behalf of Social-Democracy. pro-Stalinist 'Socialist A Outlook' in 1953 was not sub- ject to any Labour Party ban, and did not frighten away any 'lefts'. 'Socialist Outlook' But edited by a tendency which had opposed that pro-Stalinism on a Trotskyist basis, and rallied • made by the 'Blue Union' in its docks. This and the dock strikes rful factor in the building of the SLL.

the best of the left to do so, was politically a considerable threat. It was banned, and the paper was broken. Hallas can give no explanation. It was because the group around. Gerry Healy, opposed to Lawrence, conducted this principled struggle and fought all along for a revolutionary intervention in the working class, that 1956 brought cer- tain gains. According to Hallas, be- tween 1954 and 1956, '... the Group retained its cohesion and waited for better days'.

He knows this is a lie, and that the intervention of the Trotskyists in the dock strikes of that period, particularly around recognition of the 'Blue Union', was once again factor in building a powertul up the foundation upon which the SLL was constructed. Hallas's political collaborator in IS, Mr Raymond Challinor, should not be left out. Basic mistake He refers (in correspondence in the December issue of 'International') to the fact that people like Mrs Bessie Brad- dock were at times involved on editorial boards along with Trotskyists. Quite apart from Challinor's own record in the Labour Party as an opponent of the Young Socialists in the period of the vicious right-wing witch- hunt (1962-1964), he making, in his own crude way, the same basic mistake as Hallas. Mrs Braddock publicly quit association with the 'Socialist Outlook' on the same issue as the state capitalists broke with Trotskyism: anti-communism in the shape of the Korean war. She denounced us as agents of communism because we supported North Korea against US imperialism. Once again, the example chosen, once pursued, reveals that behind the impression the state capitalist tries to create are the real politics: the Inter- national Socialism' group is a faithful servant of British re- formism, providing it with a 'left' cover. Its apparent condemnation of Stalinism is, in fact, an ac- of the historical ceptance justification of Stalinism.

For these reasons it collab- orates with the agents of the ruling class the labour movement to attack, year in and year out, the Trotskyist movement.. Their latest attacks have no more weight than any other, but an examination of them has revealed the state of bank- ruptcy they have reached.

YORKERS' PRESS

THE TELEVISION new year got off to a sharp start on Saturday with the return of 'Dr Who'- in colour for the first time. It concerned the decision by the loveable English mid- eccentric genius, dle-class travelling through space in a police call-box!), and who is never above killing for the kiddies in a good cause, to help the United Nations In- telligence Task-force. Good training for the young in the values of this world through the fantasies of another. This new series replaces the 'Star-Trek' which American for many weeks now has at- tempted to intrigue and fas- cinate, not to say indoctrinate us, with the doings of the USS Enterprise on its journey in the future. What an engrossing series it has been. The starship Enterprise under the command of Cap- tain Kirk goes zipping around the galaxies in full glowing technological brilliance bring peace, sensibility and humility wherever it ventures. No change A beautiful job is done in this way. Whereas up to now we have had to face only the deception of the immutability of 'human nature', we now have to recognize it seems that its cosmic nature too can't be changed! If we are to become wise, tolerant, gentle, kind and lov- ing, then we shall just have to wait a few thousand years until it all 'evolves'. The evidence is everywhere around us apparently. Each planet that's visited reveals either supremely mag- nificent species dressed simply but with unimaginable power, or crazed and foolish indivi- dual trouble-makers who must be wiped out in the interests of the galactic balance of power. The fantasy system of the middle class is permanently immortalized on the celluloid and videotape of these space series for children. Wise men to save us from ourselves all wrapped up in the philosophy that evil really only from stupid brutish comes animal-like creatures who are representative of nothing ex- cept their childish individual selves. Thus we can relax. The long (forgetting run Lord Keynes' remark about it) and the technological masters will do the job for us. Fate, in all its inscrutable power, may be at work on us, we may be only its playthings, but underneath it all lurks a divine order too awful to com- prehend. It's also the classic capitalist mythology neatly transferred from this earth (oh insignifi- cant speck in the universe) to everywhere all at one go.

has been As the moon visited, so it has been neces- sary to colonize it and all other planets in space too with de- ceit. The Western, the spy thril- ler, the war films have all insisted that life is really a question of good guys and bad guys. Now in the infinite reaches of eternity it turns out to be the same story. Our children are meant to absorb, learn and inwardly digest all this--and do to some extent. Just a little trimming in the process of conditioning 'free minds' for a 'free society'.

New series really

AND

THE BBC

has surpassed itself this new year.

Sixteen series- some new not so new but returning any- way-are starting; next week a further seven. Apart from Dr Who, what else is in this bag of riches? there's Debbie Well, Reynolds playing a middle- class housewife married to a and dreaming newspaperman and of feminine superiority about becoming a hippie; Clift Richard pushing wholesome but entertaining Christian values and medleys; a repeat of Fair' bringing 'Vanity glamour, glitter and spectacle into dull lives; 'Holiday • '70' where fearless Cliff Michel- more conducts 'independent' investigations into , 'the whole business of holidays'. This latter programme is backed-up by a colour feature in the 'Radio Times' telling us what the stars will be doing on their 1970 holidays. Richard, 'unashamedly Cliff love in with the sunshine', owns a house in Portugal.

Jon Pertwee, the new Dr Who, has one in Ibiza. Cliff Michelmore skis at Jon Pertwee: The new Dr Who.

Easter and goes to his house on the Isle of Wight for five or six weeks too. Barry Humphries, built up clever satirist, favours as a Mexico and Turkey; Ted Ray • in Malta likes his property during February, the continent for golf in June and the South of France in mid-summer. One artist, Nyree Dawn Porter, didn't visit Greece last year because of the regime.

Goodies But enough of these private revelations, and on with the glittering list of goodies return- ing for our delight. the children, a Again for Ivanhoe'. new This is the tale in ten parts of a young Saxon knight who returns from banishment by his father to pursue his fair lady Rowena and, of course, to win back the lands seized from him. There's a sports quiz; some jolly, sentimental or sad-but comprehending-mem- never ories from the past in 'Yester- day's Witness' , beginning with Mosley's the battle against fascists in Cable Street in October 1936. For this latter programme Mosley himself was once again given broadcasting time and to him motley oppose were a crew of lefts and not so lefts— Bill Fishman, Edith Ramsay, Phil Piratin and Dr Hugh Faulkner-who could hardly be described as revolutionaries.

A bitter betrayal of the working class once again.

Then a new 'panel game for gentlefolk', and, being repeated yet again, just to round it all 'The out, comes Forsyte Saga' Without exaggeration there are not more than a few hours left each week when a pro- get ducer who wanted could anything even slightly radical (or just interesting!) on to the Hopes In addition to all that's new much that's been there for a few years (sometimes decades) continues too. Paul Temple, Val Doonican, chunks of religious great broadcasting, 'Panorama', 'The Softly, Softly, Doctors', '24 Hours', all doing their bit to keep us calm, relaxed and sen- sible in a fast-changing world.

All our hopes, it seems, must lie with 'Laugh-In' and More- cambe and Wise. Cable Street 1936: Workers clash with pol Mosley was given broadcasting time again

PAGE THREE

I.T.V.

3.45 More MBest Selles Show. The Matter Darling, Can't Best 4.17 You Sleep?'. Sellers. Paulus. 4.30 Crossroads. 4.55 With Kika Markham, Showtime. 5.20 Magpie. Michael Coles and Graham Junior 5.50 News. Crowden. 6.03 Today. News At Ten. 10.00 6.35 Branded. 10.30 Front Line Africa: 7.05 The Tuesday Film: 'The Report from the camps of Flying Leathernecks'. the African guerrillas With John Wayne, Robert fighting lan Smith's white Ryan, Don Taylor and Rhodesian regime. Marines 11.15 Ballet For All. Janis Carter. 11.45 The Modern Man-The story. 9.00 Happy Ever After: 'What's Loser?

REGIONAL I.T.V.

CHANNEL: 4.07

Birthday

ULSTER:

4.30 Romper 1.55 London

KOON

4. 50 NeWs. 5 88* 1755. London News Crossroads. Reek Movies 'Three week Spree Weather. Carole Lesley 6.35 Watling, John Jack allu Machine', Steve West. 9.00 Seven Degrees later 8.SU 8.30 Dickie Present ron London. Live London. 11.15 living Grow- anc Channel Gazette.

YORKSHIRE:

00 Play Better p.m. Commentaires Previsions Meteoro- Golf. Riding. loques followed Weather. News. and Tucker Club. 4.30 You our Child. 4.55 Lon- 2.45-3.45

SOUTHERN:

London Com- 6.00 and Weather. Junkin. 4.15 News. Londor Castle Hav London. 6.00 55 4.JU crossrodus. William and By Film: Holden Day 6.45 Tuesday drama. Olson. Nauc unuerwaler Breath Of Scandal'. Sonhia 9.00 Preseni

HOT

Dickie. nate Loren. John Gavin Maurice anc pre-World ondon. WInO Car alie Vienna Comedy set 'Present Never Was. 11. Growing. Living and For ° 20 12.10 a.m. Late eather. Southern 11.25 'he Privileged

GRANADA:

4.15 London. Weather followed by Cardinal Heenan. London. 6.00 The Newsview

WESTWARD.

As Channel The Headlines. 6.40 Westware NewS 4.04 The Gus Sanders massie. Honevoun Show. (reoree with London, Faith For Life. TSweather Anthony HAnCOCk.

ANGLIA:

Paris London. Prestil 9.00 4.30 l 4.35 Newsroom Dickie. 4.55 Patch. 6.35 Anglia Cross Canadians North

TYNE

TEES:

4.10

TOROS.

wast Dehner and Torin Kobert

ONLI

Newsroom. 4.13 4.25 Mad 8.30 Dickie. Present For natcher 10.00 Kate Lone on 4.55 London. 11.45 Our Yesterdays. Haven. Are o.SU Feminine

HARLECH:

2.45-3.45 with Baker Lon- 8.30 A Present For 6.20 11.32 don. 11.15 Late News Extra. Bonanza. man. Search of Christ. 8.00 Mr Weather. SCOTTISH: 4.20 P.M.s Scotland Early. Harlech (wales) excess Crossroads, London. 4.25 p.m. Inter ude. CrOSS- 6.35 High Living 7.05 Scotland roads. 6.01 Y Dvdd. 6.26 Castle Haven 30115 г. 9.00 Lon 6.51-7.00 Report. 10.30-11.15 Dan Sylw. unle Valle London. Present For Dickie 11.45 Living and Grow-

ATV MIDLANDS: 4.00

Parkins 4.02 Pey- ing. 12.10 a.m. шате Th. 6.95 ton Place. 4.25 Living. 6.00 con Movies

GRAMPIAN:

p.m. Hibalewe a Grampian Western London. 6.00 7.00 Crossroads. Star 6355 roast s. News. 6.15 Out Rvan "The with Kobert Tuesday 7.00 The 9.00 Lon- 8.30 A Present For DickIe. 8.30 Movie: don. 11.15 Your Living Body Mresent For Dickie. 9.00-11.15 London.

TOl- lowed by The Weather.

B.B.C. 1

Moira Ander- 1.30 Semprini, Bob Yn Dri. 1.00 Watch m Emmanuel, With Mother. 1.43-1.53 son, Ivor Alfreda Thorogood, Kerri- News and Weather. 3.45 Religion son Cooke, Imogen Claire. The Sixties. 4.20 Play School.

In News. 4.55 8.50 Animal 4.40 Jackanory. So You Think You Know 5.20 Wacky Races and 9.10 Magic. the New Laws? Kidettes. 5.44 Hector's Space Escape To The Sea: Weather. 10.00 House. 5.50 News and Preview the Inter- national Boat Show. London-Nationwide. 6.00 24 Hours. 10.30 6.45 Z Cars. 11.05 Viewpoint. Tomorrow's World. 7.05 Medicine Today. Harry Worth. 11.25 7.30 11.55 Weather. 8.00 Eric Robinson Presents: В.В.C. 2 Hollywood In The Sixties: School. 9.10 11.00-11.20 Play a.m. 'Come September'. 1.15-1.45 Medicine Today. p.m. Rock Hudson, Gina With 6.30 Time Machines. Dee, Lollobrigida, Sandra News and Weather. 7.30 Wealthy The Borderers: Bobby Darin. 8.00 his in old dustrialist goes to New series set Italian villa. Scotland. News and Weather. The 11.00 We're On 8.50 While 11.05 Line-Up. Subject.

HAFTEL

rs clash with police who are defending Mosley's fascists.

sting time again in BBC's 'Yesterday's Witness' last Sunday.

PAGE FOUA

Soviet mental institutes Port Talbot steelworks THE THIRD number of the Soviet Furnacemen face A new underground opposition journal 'Chronicle of Current Events' has revealed the most gruesome de- lalls concerning the Stalinist terror now being intensified in the Soviet new 'Green Book' Union Kosygin-Brezhnev regime. Stalinist The main article describes the fate of dissenters who have been declared mentally ill'. It has been the bureaucracy's practice first under Khrushchev, and now his opponents successors have MOVES TO discipline workers at Stalinism declared mentally ill or insane.

threat terror Thev are locked uo in institutions tor Port Talbot's Margam steelworks are indennite periods until, presumably, the!

recover their sanity and appreciate the thought to be under preparation by benefits counter-revolutionary Tull union leaders and the British Steel Stalinism. Thist of the anti- Corporation management.

BY ROBERT BLACK

oars has Following after- expand and perfect Xmas lock-out of blast- Workers in a conest one opposinated furnacemen and coke-oven stitute are tep in the sa i pane. Blastfurnacemens' med in Moscow ts amongst been for act now! 1l1 C 1 g International sulterinas and a nentatients Union national secretary Jim Barry is expected to ne tey tree subjected to in hips will all NE appear belore a meeting comple of vene erbsky Institut The ed ray. union's members of the in the 1950s. isaster for the Stalinist today. Diagnosis it is believed that barri is now prepared to negotiate

METE

by injection an line nique a purely rosale di tendera cares

ORDERS

white over necessary to speak frankly here " so harsh in Jenkins and wilson have camps ofter curb th do it any- Barbaric at Port Talbot working The wage fight needs irmingham ABF men many other opposit Grigorenko so the mobile on from undergoing this barbaric death a batm to run the Go BoN TP Bontroduction General retry include vined in the revolutionary Moors has former managing head office union movement cripple trade Expanded political confrontation. Failure to noace The asw to demand the obt Support antials in day to start cadership A see so she numbe such practices institutions It has learned the lesson procedu This dages creates a pre- here cowe lock-out ter the Christmas stoppe Telegraphists er then spoke out fearlessly after Forced rise

• FROM PAGE ONE

Wof the Dnepro- month after the

• FROM PAGE ONE

petrovsk in 1968. the 196 Prices and In- steps already before the re- The problem ed Tories withdraw govern- existests - Anotht's The telegraphers b) rodeplyment win and MET mittee, however, SOff their

BY PETER READ

to return Saturday

CORPORATION

LUTON

manual workers, ummer, the stewards' dropped whose strike has now entered its second week, return on the St 16. 2 and up to 13 • Novembers meet this afternoon to discuss the council's This retreat gaveith leader.

sack while withdrawal of a threat to sack them if there and improvements mute. an hour for ride a rise was no return to work by today.

Piotr Grigorenko, now in •right ember shipy ned to take place this that individtrad institute The porterain thou serday strikers, including ultimatum Bulwark men trom the garage and reported, de- highway maintainance from the that shou deliber- partments, orne planes mp or page. os thatecise dustmen ano her have never sech, report pected lore the almerent workers from the cor- worker from the A young industry d warr insane mean to appeal. poration-run airport, said are demanding £2-a-week wage over £13, while the dust- increase bring their

STOP WILSON'S VISIT

men's was £15. basic pay rates in line with Dulwark Wow. Won the one c those pala in London. viciou-cottacked te the

TO WASHINGTON

which starly

ATUA-YS

workers-recog- Councillor Vivian Duningtor - including

BASTIE

PUBLIC MEETINGS

• FROM PAGE ONE

Sealey Stop Wilson's unnecessary inese described Ils as a Holmes visit to generous the campaign. Washington to which reunion is pan

OXFORD

Tuesday January 6 est the san Small Hall tand, the srice

ORDER THEDAILY

unionist) (leading lo.aR. (Young Socialist) summer. Spring Ac 189 Merchant of the NUB

MANCHINEN

Agnew protest Tuesday january o, o p.m.

NOW

furnaceman told th el Worker convenot Press : ivity deals. a Bill Funter Speaker: (For edition Done in armandu wo days E2 10. for three tally) OR

SOUTHALL

11 for t dent Spiro three montha Tuesday January o, o p.m.

Asse currenty holding othe Asband and members

WEATHER

I would like to subscribe to Workers' Press for 1 own flall Prime Minister Kir- tinidhi Bista. northe or i am saw

SOUTH-WEST

Bary Bro. McCartney Name

LONDON

• Zambesi skirmish oated snea Tuesday January 6, 8 p.m.

12 from creed sna The Falcon Address Clapham Junction

CASTLEFORD

Sunday in the firs Paphat Cli Stet, London, 4. Tel: Or920. 088) have Workers Press Thursday January 8, 6 p.m.

Zambesi Tueaday, January 6, 1970 •Litvinos after protestin Kren disease, officially diagnosed 'schizoheterdoxy'. no or th reflect the sti Sorie bureaucracy. Fear froThation t with ther Con- Meters to pee par leaders with an alowed Leninist. within the or pos Grigorenko Yak1 ing classoslovakia ha Noval to the prete saloo break the will harin ces that betra force No Spaniel workers to Franco. No excuse today, and both the bureau- bureau cracy ectore for so mola serve or silen bureaucrac who acquiescence mangauge on teasi Kremlin invasion in to ha identica, Peak rand with the Citch pe and others take to the streets of Mosc * socialism, cal, for th to the Stalinist inquisition.